အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ျဖင့္ စတင္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခံခဲ့ရေသာေန ့ (သို ့) အာဏာရွင္ ေန၀င္းမွ ျပည္သူ ့အာဏာကို အႏိုင္က်င့္ လုယူခဲ့ေသာေန ့ (မတ္လ ၂ ရက္၊ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္)။

2-3-2009

ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေကာင္စီ အမည္ခံ ေန၀င္းဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္အုပ္စုဟာ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္၊ မတ္လ (၂) ၇က္ေန ့မွာ ျမန္မာျပည္ျပည္သူအားလုံးရဲ ့ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ဘ၀ေတြကို ကံႀကမၼာဆိုးရြားေစခဲ့တဲ့ အာဏာသိမ္းပြဲကို ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့တယ္။ ျပည္သူ ့အာဏာကို အဓမၼက်င့္ျပီး တိုင္းျပည္ကို မတရား စတင္ အုပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခဲ့တယ္။ ေသြးစြန္းေနတဲ့လက္ေတြ ယမ္းေငြ ့ညံ့ေနတဲ့ လူသတ္လက္နက္ေတြနဲ ့ အာဏာရွင္အုပ္စုကို ဆန္ ့က်င္အံတုသူေတြကို ဖမ္းဆီးေထာင္ခ်ခဲ့တယ္။ ေန၀င္းအာဏာရွင္ အုပ္စိုးေနတဲ့ကာတစ္ေလွ်ာက္မွာ ေတာ္လွန္ပုန္ကန္ႀကတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသူေက်ာင္းသားေတြ ျပည္သူျပည္သားေတြကို ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ သတ္ျဖတ္ေျခမွဳန္းခဲ့တယ္။

တရုတ္ေသြးစပ္ ေန၀င္း (ရွဴေမာင္ - Shu Maung -Apple of One’s Eye) ဟာ ၁၉၂၉ ခုႏွစ္က ရန္ကုန္ေကာလိပ္မွာ ေက်ာင္းတက္ခဲ့ေပမယ့္ စာေမးပြဲမွာ Biology ဘာသာရပ္ကို မေအာင္ျမင္ စာေမးပြဲက်ခဲ့လို ့ ေက်ာင္းထြက္ခဲ့ရတယ္။ ဒီအေႀကာင္းအခ်က္ေႀကာင့္လည္း ေန၀င္းဟာ တကၠသိုလ္နဲ ့ တကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းသူေက်ာင္းသားေတြကို မုန္းတီတဲ့စိတ္ ၀င္ခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ တရုတ္ေသြးစပ္တဲ့ ေန၀င္းဟာ သူ ့လက္ထက္ကတည္းက တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံရဲ ့ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အာဏာရွင္ႀကီးေတြအေပၚမွာ တပည့္ခံျပီး အားကိုးသမွဳ ျပဳခဲ့တယ္။

အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာနဲ ့ ဆက္ဆံရမွာ အထူးေႀကာက္ရြံ ့သူျဖစ္လို ့ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးနဲ ့ စီးပြားေရးရာကိစၥေတြမွာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာနဲ ့ဆက္ဆံတဲ့ေနရာမွာ ႀကားေန၀ါဒနဲ ့ တံခါးပိတ္စီးပြားေရး၀ါဒကို က်င့္သုံးခဲ့တယ္။ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းႏိုင္ငံေတြရဲ ့ အာဆီယံအဖြဲ ့ႀကီးထဲေတာင္ ၀င္ေရာက္ဖို ့ ျငင္းပယ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ ေလာင္းကစား အလြန္၀ါသနာပါျပီး (အထူးသျဖင့္ ျမင္းေလာင္းတာကို အဓိကထားတယ္)၊ မိန္းမေပြသူ မိန္းမလိုက္စားသူလည္း ျဖစ္တယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းမွာ တရား၀င္ယူတဲ့ ေဒၚတင္တင္၊ ေဒၚခင္ေမသန္း (ေယာက်ၤားေဟာင္းမွာ ေဒါက္တာတုတ္ႀကီး)၊ ေဒၚနီနီျမင့္၊ ရတနာနတ္မယ္တို ့အျပင္၁၉၈၀ ခုႏွစ္လြန္ အခ်ိန္ကာလတုန္းကလည္း ေက်ာက္မ်က္ရတနာေကာ္ပိုေရးရွင္းက အသက္အရြယ္ငယ္တဲ့ ၀န္ထမ္းအမ်ဳိးသမီးတစ္ဦးကိုလည္း ရယူဖို ့ ႀကဳိးပမ္းခဲ့တယ္လို ့ ျပည္သူလူထုအႀကားမွာ သတင္းေက်ာ္ႀကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေလာင္းကစားနဲ ့ပတ္သက္လို ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္းမွာတင္မကဘဲ ကမၻာေက်ာ္ မဲလ္ဘန္းကပ္ (Melbourne Cup) လို ့ေခၚတဲ့ ႀသစေႀတလ်ႏိုင္ငံက ျမင္းျပဳိင္ပြဲကို ႏွစ္စဥ္ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ေလယာဥ္နဲ ့ သြားေရာက္ျပီး ေလာင္းကစားေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ စတင္ အာဏာသိမ္းျပီးတာနဲ ့ လူသတ္လက္နက္ေတြနဲ ့ ေက်ာင္းသားျပည္သူ ရဟန္းရွင္လူေတြကို ဖိႏွိပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခ်ယ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေရွးဦးစြာ ရန္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းသားေတြရဲ ့ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢအေဆာက္အဦးကို ဇူလိုင္လ (၇) ရက္ေန ့မွာ ဒိုင္းနမိုက္နဲ ့ ျဖဳိခြင္းဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ့ျပီး ေက်ာင္းအေဆာင္ေတြအတြင္း ၀င္ေရာက္ေရွာင္တိမ္း ပုန္းေအာင္းေနတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသူေက်ာင္းသားေတြကို မေသေသေအာင္ ပစ္သတ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။


ထို ့ေနာက္ ၁၉၇၄ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလမွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသား ဦးသန္ ့ (ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဴပ္ေဟာင္း) ရဲ ့ အသက္မဲ့ခႏၶာကိုယ္ကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသို ့ ျပန္လည္သယ္ေဆာင္လာတဲ့အခါမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္စ်ာပနအေနနဲ ့ အေလးထားျပီး ဂုဏ္ျပဳတာမ်ဳိး မဟုတ္လို ့၊ ဦးသန္ ့ရုပ္ကလာပ္ကို ရန္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္မွ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြမွ သယ္ေဆာင္ယူကာ ၇န္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္၀န္းအတြင္းတြင္ ထားရွိျပီး ဆႏၵျပႀကတဲ့အခါမွာလည္း အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ စစ္တပ္အင္အားနဲ ့ ၀င္ေရာက္ျဖဳိခြင္းကာ ပစ္ခတ္သတ္ျဖတ္ေစခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ထို ့အျပင္ ၁၉၇၆ ခုႏွစ္၊ မတ္လမွာ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ မွိဳင္းရာျပည့္အေရးေတာ္ပုံမွာလည္း ေသြးစြန္းေနေသာ လူသတ္လက္မ်ားနဲ ့ ထပ္မံျဖဳိခြင္း သတ္ျဖတ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းလက္ထက္မွာ လူမ်ဳိးေရးအဓိကရုန္းေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ တရုတ္-ဗမာအေရးအခင္း၊ ကုလား-ဗမာအေရးအခင္းေတြကိုသာမက ဘာသာေရးအဓိကရုန္းေတြ ျဖစ္ပြားေအာင္ ဖန္တီးျပီး၊ ထိုျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ အဓိကရုန္းေတြအေပၚ ရက္စက္စြာ ႏွိမ္နင္းျဖဳိခြဲျပီး ေန၀င္းအား ၄င္းရဲ ့ အာဏာတန္ခိုးကို အေႀကာက္တရားနဲ ့တဖုံ၊ နာမည္ေကာင္းယူ ဟန္ေဆာင္နည္းျဖင့္တမ်ဳိး က်င့္သုံးကာ ျပည္သူလူထုအေပၚ ဖိနွပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခ်ယ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

သို ့ေသာ္လည္း ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ေရာက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ - ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ကေန ျပည္သူ ့အာဏာကို လုယူျပီး အာဏာသိမ္း အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ကာ ျမန္မာ့ဆိုရွယ္လစ္လမ္းစဥ္ပါတီဆိုတဲ့ တစ္ပါတီစနစ္ကို ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ထိ ျပဌန္းအုပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္း ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ မဖလပါတီဟာ ေ၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ ရွစ္ေလးလုံးအေရးေတာ္ပုံႀကီးအတြင္းမွာ ျပဳိက်ပ်က္စီးခဲ့ကာ နိဂုန္းခ်ဴပ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

အာဏာရွင္ ေန၀င္းဘ၀ဇာတ္သိမ္းခါနီးမွာ ကိုယ္ေမြးတဲ့ ေမ်ာက္ ကိုယ္ ့ျပန္ေျခာက္ဆိုသလိုဘဲ ေန၀င္းနဲ ့ မိသားစုအသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းတစ္ခုလုံးကို ဖမ္းဆီးထိန္းသိမ္းခဲ့တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္သစ္ သန္းေရႊေႀကာင့္ ေသတာေတာင္မွ လူမသိသူမသိနဲ ့ ေခြးေလေခြးလြင့္ တစ္ေကာင္ေသသလိုမ်ဳိးနဲ ့ တန္ဘိုးမဲ့စြာနဲ ့ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းတစ္ေယာက္ ေန၀င္ခ်ဳပ္ျခိမ္းခဲ့ရတယ္။ ၂၀၀၂ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ (၅) ရက္ေန ့မနက္ ၇ နာရီခြဲခန္ ့အခ်ိန္မွာ အာဏာရွင္ေဟာင္းႀကီးေန၀င္း ေသဆုံးသြားခဲ့တယ္။ ျပည္သူလူထုကို ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၂၆ ႏွစ္ႀကာ ဒုကၡမ်ဳိးစုံနဲ ့ ႏွိပ္စက္ ဖိႏွိပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခ်ယ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ ေသသြားသည့္တိုင္ေအာင္ သံေ၀ဂရျပီး ေနာင္တလုံး၀ ရရွိပုံ မေပၚခဲ့ပါဖူး။

သံေ၀ဂမရရွိ ေနာင္တ မရရွိေပမယ့္ ၀ဋ္ဆိုတာ ဘ၀မကူးခင္ လည္တတ္တယ္ဆိုတာကို အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းတစ္ေယာက္ သေဘာေပါက္သြားမွာပါ။ အာဏာႀကီးစိုးျပီး တန္ခိုးထြားေနခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ ေခါင္းမေထာင္ ျပန္မေျပာရႀဲကတဲ့ လက္ေအာက္ငယ္သားေတြျဖစ္တဲ့၊ ေကြ်းေမြးထားျပီး အေရာင္အ၀ါရွိေအာင္ ေပးကမ္းေပးထားတဲ့ ေက်းဇူးနဲ ့ ေႀကာက္ရြံ ့ေနလို ့သာ ေနေနႀကတဲ့ သန္းေရႊတို ့လို ေန၀င္းရဲ ့ ဒူးမနာသားေတြက အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းနဲ ့ မိသားစုအေဆြအမ်ဳိးေတြကို ျပန္လည္ဒုကၡေပးပါေတာ့တယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္း မေသခင္မွာဘဲ ဖမ္းဆီးျပီး ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဴပ္ဘ၀နဲ ့ အက်ဥ္းခ်ထားလိုက္ပါတယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္း ေသဆုံးတဲ့ေနာက္မွာ စ်ာပနကို ေန၀င္းရဲ ့သမီး စႏၵာ၀င္းနဲ ့ လူ (၂၅) ေယာက္ခန္ ့သာ လိုက္ပါပို ့ေဆာင္ခြင့္ေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။

အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းတစ္ေယာက္ အာဏာျပဳိကြဲပ်က္စီးတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ျပည္သူလူထုအေပၚ အာဂတအညိဳးတႀကီးထားျပီး ျပည္သူလူထုကို ပစ္ခတ္သတ္ျဖတ္ေခ်င္ေသးတဲ့စိတ္ကို ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္မွာ မဆလပါတီကေန ႏွဳတ္ထြက္တဲ့ သူရဲ ့ ေနာက္ဆုံးမိန္ ့ခြန္းထဲမွာ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း ေျပာႀကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။


“ကဲ - စစ္တပ္၀င္ေပေတာ့ဆိုျပီး ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ခြင့္ျပဳလိုက္တယ္ … …… …. .. တိုင္းျပည္တျပည္လုံး လူထုကို သိေစခ်င္တယ္၊ ေနာင္ကို လူစုလူေ၀းနဲ ့ ဆူဆူပူပူလုပ္လို ့ရွိရင္ေတာ့ စစ္တပ္ဆိုတာ ပစ္ရင္မွန္ေအာင္ ပစ္တယ္၊ မိုးေပၚေထာင္ျပီး ေျခာက္တာ မပါဖူး၊ အဲ့ဒီေတာ့ ေနာင္ကို ဆူဆူပူပူလုပ္မယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ျဖင့္ တပ္ကို သုံးလို ့ရွိရင္ေတာ့ ဆူတဲ့သူေတြ မသက္သာဖူးလို ့သာ မွတ္ေပေတာ့လို ့ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ဒီကေန ေျပာလိုတယ္” လို ့ သူရဲ ့ မဆလပါတီကေန ႏွဳတ္ထြက္တဲ့ မိန္ ့ခြန္းထဲ ျပည္သူလူထုကို ေပၚတင္ႀကီး ျခိမ္းေျခာက္ကာ ေန၀င္းစာ သူရဲ ့ ဇာတိရုပ္ အစစ္အမွန္ လူသတ္ေကာင္အျဖစ္ ေပၚလြင္ထင္ရွားစြာ ျပသခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ဒီမိန္ ့ခြန္းကို နားေထာင္ေနႀကတဲ့ တတိုင္းျပည္လုံးက ျပည္သူလူထုဟာ ေဒါသူပုန္ထကာ မေက်မနပ္ျဖစ္ႀကျပီး ေနာက္ေန ့မွာဘဲ လမ္းမေတြထြက္ျပီး ျမိဳ ့တိုင္း ရြာတိုင္း နယ္တိုင္းမွာ ဆႏၵထြက္ျပခဲ့ႀကပါတယ္။

သူရဲ ့ ေနာက္ဆုံးမိန္ ့ခြန္းကို နားေထာင္လိုပါက ဒီမွာ ေဒါင္းလုပ္ download လုပ္ကာ နားဆင္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ http://sharebee.com/fb2d3b33

အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းတစ္ေယာက္ ဘယ္ဘုံဘ၀ေရာက္ေရာက္ သူရဲ ့မိုက္ေႀကြးမိုက္ျပစ္နဲ ့ အကုသို္လ္တရားကို ခံစားေနရဆဲ ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ထို ့အတူ ျမန္မာျပည္ရဲ ့ သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းမွာလည္း အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းရဲ ့ ဆိုးရြားမွဳအေႀကာင္းေတြက ကမၻာတည္သေရြ ့ ဆက္လက္တည္ရွိေနမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္း ျပီးဆုံးျပီးသည့္ေနာက္ မႀကာခင္မွာလည္း အာဏာရွင္သန္းေရႊ အလွည့္ မႀကာခင္ ေရာက္ေတာ့မွာမို ့ ဒီေရးသားခ်က္ ပိုစ့္အား ဖတ္ျဖစ္သြားေစလိုပါတယ္။ ထို ့အတူ အာဏာရွင္လက္သစ္ေတြလည္း သိေစလိုပါတယ္။ အာဏာဆိုတာ တစ္ေန ့ေန ့မွာ က်ဆုံးရမွာပါ။

နစ္ေနမန္(http://www.niknayman-niknayman.blogspot.com/ မွ ကူးယူ ေဖာ္ျပသည္။)

Here is about Ne WIN From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia that I copied to read more.

Ne Win
________________________________________
4th President of Burma

In office
1974 – 1981
Preceded by Win Maung (1962)

Succeeded by San Yu

________________________________________
4th Prime Minister of Burma

In office
29 October 1958 – 4 April 1960
Preceded by U Nu

Succeeded by U Nu

________________________________________
6th Prime Minister of Burma

In office
2 March 1962 – 4 March 1974
Preceded by U Nu

Succeeded by Brigadier General Sein Win

________________________________________
Born May 14, 1911
Paungdalè, Burma

Died December 5, 2002 (aged 91)
Rangoon, Burma

Nationality Burma

Political party Burma Socialist Programme Party

Spouse Daw Tin Tin
Daw Khin May Than
Daw Yadanar Nat Me
Daw Ni Ni Myint
Children U Ngwe Soe
Daw Sandar Win
U Phyo Wai Win
Daw Kyay Mone Win
Ne Win (Burmese: ေနဝင္်း [nè wín]; 24 May or 14 May 1911 or 10 July 1910 – 5 December 2002; born Shu Maung) was a Burmese statesman and military commander. He was Prime Minister of Burma from 1958 to 1960 and 1962 to 1974 and also head of state from 1962 to 1981. He also was the founder and from 1963 to 1988 the chairman of the Burma Socialist Programme Party, which from 1964 until 1988 was the sole political party.







Contents
]
• 1 Date of birth
• 2 Early years
• 3 Military coup of 1962
• 4 "Burmese Way to Socialism" (1962-1988)
o 4.1 Economic policies
• 5 Protests
• 6 Resignation
• 7 Military coup of 1988
• 8 Family
• 9 Death
• 10 References
• 11 External links

Date of birth

Ne Win's date of birth is not known with certainty. The English language publication Who's Who in Burma published in 1961 by People's Literature House, Rangoon, stated that Ne Win was born on 24 May 1911. The late Dr. Maung Maung stated in the Burmese version of his book Burma and General Ne Win, also published in English, that Ne Win was born on 14 May 1911. However, in a book written in Burmese entitled The Thirty Comrades, the author Kyaw Nyein gave Ne Win's date of birth as '10 July 1910'.
Kyaw Nyein's date of 1910 can be considered as the more plausible date. First, Kyaw Nyein had access to historical records and he interviewed many surviving members of the Thirty Comrades when he wrote the book in the mid-to late 1990s. (Ne Win was one of the Thirty Comrades who secretly went to undergo military training in Japanese-occupied Hainan Island in the early 1940s for the purpose of fighting for independence from the British. In his book published around 1998 Kyaw Nyein lists the names of the surviving members of the Thirty Comrades whom he had interviewed although Ne Win was not one of them.) Secondly, when Ne Win died on 5 December 2002, the Burmese language newspapers which were allowed to carry a paid obituary stated the age of 'U Ne Win' to be '93 years'. According to Burmese custom a person's age is their age next birthday. Since Ne Win turned 92 in July 2002, when he died in December 2002 he was considered to be 93 years old. Most Western news agencies, based on the May, 1911 birth date, reported that Ne Win was 91 years old but the obituary put up by his family (most probably his children) stated that he was 93 years old, which would be 92 according to the Western way of calculating age.

Early years

Ne Win, given name Shu Maung, was born into an educated Chinese middle class family in Paungdale about 200 miles north of Rangoon. Although Ne Win officially declared his ancestry to be Bamar,[1] there is speculation that he had Chinese roots,[2][3] with ancestry from Meixian.[4] He spent two years at Rangoon University beginning in 1929, and took biology as his main subject with hopes of becoming a doctor. However, he left university and Rangoon in 1931 to become Thakin Shu Maung, a member of the nationalist organisation Dobama Asiayone (We Burmans Association). Other members of the group included Aung San (father of Aung San Suu Kyi) and U Nu. In 1941 Ne Win, as a member of the Ba Sein-Tun Ok (Socialist) faction of the Dobama, was one of thirty young men chosen for military training by the Japanese . Their leader was Aung San and they formed the Burma Independence Army (BIA). During military training at the then Japanese-occupied Hainan Island Shu Maung chose a nom de guerre, Bo Ne Win (Commander Radiant Sun). In early 1942 the Japanese Army and the BIA entered Burma in the wake of the retreating British forces. Ne Win's role in the campaign was to organize resistance behind the British lines.
The experience of the Japanese Occupation in Burma worked to alienate the nationalists as well as the population at large. Toward the end of the Second World War, on 27 March 1945 the Burma National Army (successor to the BIA) turned against the Japanese following the British re-invasion of Burma. Ne Win, as one of the BNA Commanders, was quick to establish links with the British - attending the Kandy conference in Ceylon and taking charge of the anti-Communist operations in the Pyinmana area as commander of the 4th Burma Rifles after the Red Flag Communists and the Communist Party of Burma went underground to fight against the government in October 1946 and on 28 March 1948 respectively. Burma obtained independence on 4 January 1948, and for the first 14 years it had a parliamentary and democratic government mainly under Prime Minister U Nu, but the country was riven with political division. Even before independence, Aung San was assassinated together with six of his cabinet members on 19 July 1947; U Saw, a pre-war prime minister and political rival of Aung San, was found guilty of the crime and executed. U Nu as leader of the Socialists took charge of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) formed by the Communists, Socialists and the BNA in 1945 now that Aung San was dead and the Communists expelled from the AFPFL.
Following independence there were uprisings in the army and amongst ethnic minority groups. In late 1948, after a confrontation between army rivals, Ne Win was appointed second in command of the army and his rival Bo Zeya, a communist commander and fellow member of the Thirty Comrades, took a portion of the army into rebellion. Ne Win immediately adopted a policy of creating Socialist militia battalions called 'Sitwundan' under his personal command with the approval of U Nu. On 31 January 1949, Ne Win was appointed Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces (Tatmadaw) and given total control of the army replacing General Smith Dun, an ethnic Karen. He rebuilt and restructured the armed forces along the ruling Socialist Party's political lines, but the country was still split and the government was ineffective.
Ne Win was asked to serve as interim prime minister from 28 October 1958 by U Nu, when the AFPFL split into two factions and U Nu barely survived a motion of no-confidence against his government in parliament. Ne Win restored order during the period known as the Ne Win caretaker government'.[5] Elections were held in February 1960 and Ne Win handed back power to the victorious U Nu on 4 April 1960.

Military coup of 1962

Less than two years later, on 2 March 1962, Ne Win again seized power in a military coup d'etat. Ne Win became head of state as Chairman of the Revolutionary Council and also Prime Minister.
The coup was characterized as "bloodless" by the world's media, although the former President of Burma Sao Shwe Thaik's young son was shot dead by a soldier, and protests and demonstrations were ruthlessly suppressed. When Rangoon University students staged a peaceful demonstration against "unjust university rules" on 7 July 1962, Ne Win sent his troops to disperse the students. This resulted in about 100 unarmed students being shot and the historic Rangoon University Student Union building - a place of historic significance due to being the centre of anti-colonial struggles[citation needed] - being blown up the next morning.
Shortly afterwards, around 8 p.m. local time, Ne Win addressed the nation in a five minute long radio which concluded in the statement: "if these disturbances were made to challenge us, I have to declare that we will fight sword with sword and spear with spear".[6]
In 1988, 26 years later, Ne Win denied any involvement in dynamiting of the Student Union building, stating that his deputy Brigadier Aung Gyi - who by that time had fallen out with Ne Win and dismissed - had given the order and that he had to take responsibility as a "revolutionary leader" by giving the sword with sword and spear with spear speech.
On 13 July 1962, less than a week after the speech, Ne Win left for Austria, Switzerland and the United Kingdom "for a medical check up".[7] All universities were closed for more than two years until September 1964.

"Burmese Way to Socialism" (1962-1988)

Ne Win instituted a system including elements of extreme nationalism[citation needed], Marxism, and Buddhism[citation needed] - though he himself lacked interest in either ideology or religion - terming this the Burmese Way to Socialism.
Ne Win founded the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), the chairman of which he remained for 26 years from 4 July 1962 until 23 July 1988. On 23 March 1964, a decree banned all other political parties, establishing a one party state.
His government imprisoned political activists and fought ethnic and communist insurgencies with massive military force. Ethnic problems arose mainly in the south-eastern part of the country, where the British had promised the Karen people a separate state or considerable autonomy.
On 2 March 1974 - twelve years after his coup - he disbanded the Revolutionary Council and proclaimed the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma. He had himself elected as President and shortly afterwards appointed Brigadier General Sein Win Prime Minister.
On 9 November 1981, Ne Win resigned as President and was succeeded in that post by General San Yu. However, Ne Win remained leader of the party and thus remained the ultimate political authority until his resignation in 1988.

Economic policies

His government nationalized the economy and pursued a policy of autarky, which involved the economic isolation of his country from the world. The ubiquitous black market and rampant smuggling supplied the needs of the people, while the central government slid slowly into bankruptcy. Autarky also involved expelling foreigners and restricting visits by foreigners to three days, and after 1972, one week. Furthermore, political oppression caused many in the educated workforce to emigrate.
He also took drastic steps regarding the currency: In 1963, he issued a decree that 50 and 100 kyat notes would cease to be legal tender, alleging that they were subject to hoarding by blackmarketeers and also financing of the various insurgencies. Though limited compensation was offered, this wiped out people's savings overnight. At least one insurgency, that of the ethnic Kayan, was triggered by this act.
In September 1987 he ordered the Burmese currency, the kyat, to be issued in denominations of 15, 35, 45, 75 and 90 kyats, besides the existing 5 and 10 kyat notes. He reportedly changed the currency to add up to nine because an astrologer said he would live to 90 if he did this. Ne Win was well known for his penchant numerology and yadaya - cabalistic rituals and spells performed in order to ward off misfortune.
In 1987 After the United Nations had declared Burma a "Least Developed Country" in 1987, Ne Win resigned on 23 July 1988 as chairman of the ruling Burma Socialist Programme Party at the height of the uprising against one-party rule.

Protests

Despite the oppression, sporadic protests against the government continued. Students led protests in 1965, December 1969, December 1970. These demonstrations took place mainly on campuses located in the cities of Rangoon, Mandalay and Moulmein and were often followed by closure of universities and colleges. In June 1974, workers from more than 100 factories throughout the nation participated in a strike, to which h the government reacted by shooting about 100 workers and students on 6 June 1974 at the Thamaing Textile Factory and the Sinmalaik Dock Yard in Rangoon. Since Ne Win was in Australia on an official visit at the time, responsibility for these shootings is unclear. On 5 December 1974, students turned the funeral of former UN Secretary General U Thant into a demonstration, snatching the coffin on display at the Kyaikkasan Race Course and erecting a makeshift mausoleum on the grounds of the former Student Union building in protest against the government for not honouring their famous countryman with a state funeral. The military stormed the campus on 11 December killing some of the students, recovered the coffin and buried U Thant at the foot of the Shwedagon pagoda, next to the tomb of Thakin Kodaw Hmaing.
Students from universities throughout Rangoon demonstrated again in June 1975 in commemoration of the previous year's Labour Strike. Student-led demonstrations also occurred in March 1976, September 1987, March and June 1988. In August and September 1988, these demonstrations turned into a nation-wide uprising against BSPP rule in what is now known as the 'Four Eights Uprising'.

Resignation

At the height of the Four Eights Uprising against the BSSP regime, Ne Win resigned as party chairman on 23 July 1988. During his farewell speech to the BSPP Party Congress, he again resorted to issue warning against potential protestors, stating that if the "disturbances" continued the "Army would have to be called and I would like to declare from here that if the Army shoots it has no tradition of shooting into the air. It would shoot straight to hit."[8] The Tatmadaw troops, which shot, killed and maimed hundreds if not up to 3000 or more demonstrators in various places throughout Burma from the period of 8 August 1988 to 12 August 1988 and again on 18 September 1988 proved that Ne Win's farewell speech was not an empty threat.

Military coup of 1988

On 18 September 1988 the military led by General Saw Maung dispelled any hopes for democracy by brutally crushing the uprisings. It is widely believed that Ne Win, though in apparent retirement, orchestrated the coup from behind the scenes.[9]
For about ten years, Ne Win kept a low profile but remained a shadowy figure exercising at least some influence on the military junta. After 1998, Ne Win's influence on the junta began to wane. On 4 March 2002, an alleged plot to overthrow the junta by Ne Win's son-in-law Aye Zaw Win, the husband of his favorite daughter Sandar Win was exposed. Ne Win and his daughter were put under house arrest and in September Aye Zaw Win and his three sons - Aye Ne Win, Kyaw Ne Win and Zwe Ne Win - was found guilty of treason and sentenced to death. They are thought to remain in custody in Rangoon's Insein Jail.

Family

Ne Win was married five times:
1. He was first married to Tin Tin, who bore him a son, Ngwe Soe.
2. He then married Khin May Than (Katie Ba Than), daughter of Professor Ba Than, the former dean of Rangoon medical school. The couple had two daughters and a son between them, Sandar Win, Kye Mon Win, and Phyo Wai Win. Khin May Than brought three daughters from her first marriage, Le Le Win and twins Thida Win and Thawdar Win, into the family. Khin May Than was Ne Win's favourite wife and her death in 1972 was a heavy blow to him.
3. He then married Ni Ni Myint, a university teacher, whom he divorced.
4. He then married June Rose Bellamy (Yadana Natme), a great granddaughter of Crown Prince Ka Naung.
5. He remarried his former wife Ni Ni Myint.

Death

Still under house arrest, the 92-year-old Ne Win died on 5 December 2002 at his lakeside house in Yangon.[10] The death remained unannounced by Burmese media or the junta. The only mention of Ne Win's death was a paid obituary notice that appeared in some of the government-controlled Burmese language newspapers. Ne Win was not given a state funeral and his former contacts or junior colleagues were strongly discouraged from attending a hastily-arranged funeral, so that only thirty people attended the funeral.
Ne Win’s daughter Sandar Win was temporarily released from house arrest to attend his funeral and cremation. She later dispersed her father's ashes into the Hlaing River

References

1. ^ Tango with China (article located middle of the page)
2. ^ Leong, S.T. (1997). Migration and Ethnicity in Chinese History. Stanford University Press.
3. ^ Mya Maung, "The Burma Road from the Union of Burma to Myanmar". Asian Survey 34 (May 1994).
4. ^ 缅甸华人史概述(1)
5. ^ Nicholas Tarling, ed (1993). The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia. ISBN 0-521-35505-2.
6. ^ The Burmese phrase is "dah go dah gyin, hlan go hlan gyin". Two different English translations of the speech can be read on the front page of the Rangoon Nation and the Rangoon Guardian of 9 July 1962. Part of The Nation’s headline of 9 July 1962 read 'General Ne Win States Give Us Time to Work: Obstructionists are Warned: Will Fight Sword with Sword').
7. ^ News items of Ne Win's trip to these countries for 'medical check up' can be found in The Guardian and The Nation of 14 July 1962
8. ^ The English translation of Ne Win's speech can be found in 24 July 1988 issues of the Rangoon Guardian and The Working People's Daily.
9. ^ Stewart, Whitney (1997). Aung San Suu Kyi: Fearless Voice of Burma. ISBN 0-8225-4931-X.
10. ^ "Former Myanmar President U Ne Win Dies", People's Daily China 5 December 2002. Retrieved on 5 February 2007.