28th March, 2009
ယြန္းေသတၱာဝယ္၊
ေမတၱာစာမ်ား၊ေသာ႔ခတ္ထားၿပီး။
ခ်စ္တဲ႔သူေလးမသိေပ။
ျမတ္ႏူိးစိတ္နဲ႔၊
တိတ္တိတ္ကေလး။ညဥ္႔ခါေရး၍၊
မေပးရဲဝံ႔၊ႏူတ္အစြံ႔ခဲ႔။
စာေသသိမ္းရာ၊ယင္းေသတၱာကို၊
ဘယ္ခါခ်ိန္မူ။ခ်စ္တဲ႔သူက။
ခုိးယူဖြင္႔ဖက္ပါမည္နည္း။(ႀကည္ေအာင္)
စာေရးဆရာဦးႀကည္ေအာင္ တစ္ေယာက္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ဆုိးမွလြတ္ေသာ ေကာင္းရာသုဂတိလားပါေစ။
Saturday, March 28, 2009
စာေရးဆရာဦးႀကည္ေအာင္ (1937-2009) အမွတ္တရ။
28 March 2009
ကဗ်ာေတြကို ၀ီရရသလို႔ေခၚတဲ့ ရဲရင့္မႈရသ ေပၚေအာင္ ေရးဖြဲ႕တတ္တဲ့ အင္း၀ၿမိဳ႕က ကဗ်ာဆရာၾကည္ေအာင္ မေန႔က ကြယ္လြန္သြားတဲ့အေၾကာင္း ဗီြအိုေအ ျမန္မာပိုင္း က သိသိခ်င္းပဲ မေန႔ကညပိုင္းအစီအစဥ္မွာ ထုတ္လႊင့္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အခုတခါေတာ့ ဆရာၾကည္ေအာင္ ေျပာခဲ့တဲ့ စကားနဲ႔ သူ႔ရဲ႕ ေရးေဖာ္ေရးဖက္ ကဗ်ာဆရာ ေမာင္စြမ္းရည္ တို႔ရဲ႕ ေျပာဆိုခ်က္ေတြကို စုေပါင္းၿပီး မညိဳညိဳလြင္က တင္ျပေပးထားပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီအေရး အားေပးေထာက္ခံလို႔ဆိုၿပီး စာေရးသားခြင့္ ပိတ္ပင္ခံထားရတဲ့ ကဗ်ာဆရာ ၾကည္ေအာင္ဟာ မေန႔က မတ္လ ၂၇ ရက္ေန႔ ညေနပိုင္းမွာပဲ ႏွလံုးေရာဂါနဲ႔
ကြယ္လြန္သြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကဗ်ာဆရာၾကည္ေအာင္ဟာ အသက္ ၇၂ ႏွစ္မွာ ကြယ္လြန္ခဲ့ တာျဖစ္ၿပီး အိမ္ေထာင္မရွိသူတဦးလည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဆရာၾကည္ေအာင္ဟာ လမင္းတရာ ဆိုတဲ့ ကဗ်ာစာအုပ္နဲ႔ ၁၉၆၃ ခုႏွစ္က အမ်ဳိးသားစာေပဆုကို ရခဲ့သူပါ။ သူ႔ရဲ႕ ေဆး႐ံုေပၚက ေနာက္ဆံုးအခ်ိန္ေတြ အေၾကာင္းကိုေတာ့ သူနဲ႔ ေဆြမ်ဳိးေတာ္စပ္သူတဦးက ဗီြအိုေအကို မေန႔က ရွင္းျပထားပါတယ္။
“ဒီေန႔ညေန ၃ နာရီထုိးဖို႔ ၆ မိနစ္အလုိေပါ့။ မႏၲေလးေဆး႐ုံႀကီးမွာပါပဲ။ အခုျဖစ္တာေတာ့ အစုံေပါ့၊ ပထမဆုံးက Heart Attack ေပါ့။ ေနာက္ ေက်ာက္ကပ္ေရာ အဆုတ္ေရာ ေတာက္ေလွ်ာက္ျဖစ္လာတာေပါ့။ အကုန္လုံးတြဲျဖစ္တာပါ။ ေဆး႐ုံ တင္တာ ၁၅ ရက္ေလာက္ရွိၿပီေပါ့။ ပထမတႀကိမ္ ၄ ရက္ေလာက္တင္တုန္းကေတာ့ Heart Attack ေပါ့။ အဲဒါ သက္သာ သြားၿပီ ဆုိၿပီး ျပန္ဆင္းတယ္။
“အင္း၀မွာ ၂ ရက္ေနၿပီးေတာ့ အေမာေဖာက္တာနဲ႔ မႏၲေလးကို ခ်က္ခ်င္းျပန္တင္တာပါ။ မဆုံးခင္ ဒီေန႔မနက္ အင္း၀က သူ႕တပည့္ေလးေတြ လာေတြ႕ေတာ့ သူကငုိတယ္။ ငိုၿပီး ဘာေျပာလဲဆိုေတာ့ မင္းတုိ႔ေလးေတြကို လမ္းေကာင္းမွန္ေပၚ ငါေရာက္ေစခ်င္တာတဲ့၊ အခုေတာ့ ငါ မလုပ္ေပးႏုိင္ေတာ့ဘူးနဲ႔တူတယ္တဲ့။ အဲဒါ ေနာက္ဆုံးစကားပဲ။ အဲဒီေနာက္ပုိင္း သူ သတိမရေတာ့ဘူး။”
ကဗ်ာဆရာၾကည္ေအာင္နဲ႔ တခ်ိန္ထဲ၊ တေခတ္ထဲ ကဗ်ာေတြေရးခဲ့ၾကၿပီး အရင္းႏွီးဆံုး ေနထိုင္လႈပ္ရွားခဲ့သူတဦးကေတာ့ အခု အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံမွာ ေရာက္ေနတဲ့ ကဗ်ာဆရာ ေမာင္စြမ္းရည္ပါ။ သူ႔ရဲ႕သူငယ္ခ်င္း ကဗ်ာဆရာ ၾကည္ေအာင္ရဲ႕ အေၾကာင္း ဆရာ ေမာင္စြမ္းရည္က အခုလို ရွင္းျပပါတယ္။
“ၾကည္ေအာင္က လူ႐ုိးတေယာက္ဗ်။ အေျပာအဆုိလည္း ႐ုိးတယ္၊ အေနအထုိင္လည္း ႐ုိးပါတယ္။ ကဗ်ာကေတာ့ သူက ရဲရင့္တက္ႂကြတဲ့ ၀ီရ ရသေျမာက္တဲ့ကဗ်ာေတြ ေရးေလ့ရွိတယ္ဆုိတာမ်ဳိး ကိုသာႏုိးက ခဏခဏ ေထာက္ျပဖူးပါတယ္။ သူ႕ရဲ႕ လမင္းတရာဆုိတဲ့ ကဗ်ာစာအုပ္နဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသားစာေပဆုရတဲ့အခါၾကေတာ့ သူ႕သူငယ္ခ်င္း ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ ဥကၠ႒ ကိုေစာလြင္က သူ႕သားကုိေတာင္မွ လမင္းတရာလို႔ နာမည္ေပးခဲ့တယ္ဗ်။ သူက မႏၲေလးခ႐ုိင္ ဗကသဥကၠ႒အျဖစ္လည္း လုပ္ပါတယ္။ သူက လူခ်စ္လူခင္ အင္မတန္မ်ားၿပီး ရဲရင့္တက္ႂကြတဲ့ ကဗ်ာဆရာအျဖစ္နဲ႔ သူ႕ကဗ်ာေတြကလည္း အင္မတန္ ထင္ရွားသူ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
“က်ေနာ့္ရဲ႕ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ေနာက္ဆုံးထုတ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အေမ့ေခၚသံကဗ်ာစာအုပ္က သူကုိယ္တုိင္ ေရြးခ်ယ္စီစဥ္ၿပီး အမွာစာေရး ထုတ္ေပးခဲ့တာ။ လူထုတုိက္ကထုတ္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ သူလုပ္ခဲ့တာ။ အဲဒီအမွာစာမွာ သူက တင္မုိး၊ ၾကည္ေအာင္၊ ေမာင္စြမ္းရည္ ဆုိတာ မႏၲေလးတကၠသိုလ္က ေမြးထုတ္လုိက္တဲ့ အႁမႊာညီအစ္ကုိသုံးဦးပါပဲလို႔ ေျပာတယ္။ က်ေနာ္နဲ႔ကေတာ့ သူက စိၾတ ဆုိတဲ့ ကဗ်ာစာအုပ္ ၁၉၆၀ ခုႏွစ္က အတူ ထုတ္ခဲ့တယ္။ အဲဒါေတြဖတ္ၿပီး အခုေတာ့ စိတ္မေကာင္းျဖစ္ေနရတာေပါ့။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ကေတာ့ ျပည္ပမွာေရာက္ေနတယ္။ သူကေတာ့ ျပည္တြင္းမွာ စာလည္း ေရးခြင့္မရွိ၊ ေဟာေျပာခြင့္လည္း မရွိဘူး ေပါ့။
“သူက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ဖိတ္ေခၚၿပီး ၿခံထဲမွာ ေဟာေျပာပြဲလုပ္ရာကစၿပီး ကုိေလး(အင္း၀ဂုဏ္ရည္) နဲ႔ သူနဲ႔ကို ပိတ္ပင္တာခံခဲ့ရတယ္။ စာလည္းေရးခြင့္မရေတာ့ဘူးေပါ့။ အမွန္ကေတာ့ သူတုိ႔မႀကိဳက္ရင္ မႀကိဳက္တဲ့စာ မေရးနဲ႔ဆိုရင္ ေတာ္ေလာက္ပါၿပီ။ အခုေတာ့ ပိုၿပီး ရက္စက္လြန္းရာ က်ပါတယ္။ စာလုံး၀ကို မေရးရဘူး။ သူတုိ႔ နာမည္ပါ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ခြင့္ မရေတာ့ အင္မတန္ဆုိးပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုစာဆုိႀကီးေတြကို ပစ္မထားေကာင္းဘူးဗ်။ အဲဒါေတြက ေနာက္က်ရင္ အျပစ္ႀကီးေတြ အျဖစ္နဲ႔ ေပၚလြင္လာပါလိမ့္မယ္၊ သူတုိ႔လုပ္ခဲ့တာေတြက။ ဆုံး႐ႈံးမႈကေတာ့ အင္မတန္ႀကီးက်ယ္တဲ့ ဆုံး႐ႈံးမႈေပါ့ဗ်ာ။”
ကဗ်ာဆရာၾကည္ေအာင္ မကြယ္လြန္ခင္ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၄ လေလာက္က ဗီြအိုေအ ျမန္မာပိုင္းရဲ႕ အႏုပညာမိုးေကာင္းကင္ အစီအစဥ္မွာ ဆရာၾကည္ေအာင္ ေျပာဆိုခဲ့တာ ရွိပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအထဲက ျမန္မာ့အႏုပညာသမားေတြရဲ႕ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ အေျခအေနေတြအေၾကာင္း ေျပာျပခဲ့တာကေတာ့…
“က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ျပည္သူေတြနဲ႔ အႏုပညာသည္ေတြ၊ စာေရးဆရာေတြ၊ ကဗ်ာဆရာေတြရဲ႕ ပါးစပ္ကို အပ္နဲ႔ အခ်ဳပ္ခံေနရတယ္။ တုပ္ေႏွာင္ ေထာင္တန္း ခ်ခံေနရတယ္။ ကဗ်ာဆရာ အႏုပညာရွင္ေတြအားလုံး သူတုိ႔ဆုိခ်င္တဲ့ေတးကုိ မဆုိရ၊ သူတုိ႔ ဖန္တီး ခ်င္တဲ့ အႏုပညာကို ဖန္တီးခြင့္မရ၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေမွာင္က်ေနတာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။”
ကဗ်ာဆရာၾကည္ေအာင္ ေျပာခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဆရာ့ရဲ႕ စ်ာပနကို အခုလာမယ့္ တနဂၤေႏြေန႔ မနက္ ၁၀ နာရီက်ရင္ မႏၲေလးေဆး႐ံုႀကီးကတဆင့္ သုသာန္ကို ပို႔ေဆာင္သၿဂဳႋဟ္မွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
Tuesday, March 3, 2009
ရန္ကုန္လက္ေ၀ွ႔ပြဲ ဆူပူမႈျဖစ
ရန္ကုန္လက္ေ၀ွ႔ပြဲ ဆူပူမႈျဖစ္
ၿပိဳင္ပြဲမီးေမွာင္ခ်ၿပီး ၀န္ႀကီးကုိ ကာကြယ္ေပးရ
NEJ /၃ မတ္ ၂၀၀၉
အားကစားဝန္ႀကီး ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္သူရေအးျမင့္ လက္ေဝွ႔ပဲြ ၾကည့္႐ႈေနစဥ္ ဆူပူမႈတရပ္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း အဆိုပါပဲြကို ကိုယ္တိုင္သြားေရာက္ၾကည့္႐ႈခဲ့သူမ်ားက ေျပာသည္။
မတ္လ (၁) ရက္က ရန္ကုန္ သုဝဏၰ အားကစား႐ံုတြင္ က်င္းပသည့္ ဒဂံုေရႊေအာင္လံ လက္ေဝွ႔ၿပိဳင္ပဲြအတြင္း ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ပရိသတ္မ်ား ဆူပူလာသည့္အတြက္ ခန္းမကုိ မီးေမွာင္ခ်ၿပီး လက္ေ၀ွ႔ပြဲၾကည့္ေနသည့္ အားကစားဝန္ႀကီး ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ သူရေအးျမင့္အား လံုၿခံဳေရးမ်ားက အကာအကြယ္ေပးခဲ့ရေၾကာင္း ကိုယ္တိုင္ႀကံဳ ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရသူတဦးက ေျပာသည္။
၎က “အဲဒီေန႔က လက္ေဝွ႔ပဲြ ေနာက္ဆံုးပဲြစဥ္ျဖစ္တဲ့ ေစာငမန္းနဲ႔ လံုးေခ်ာ (ေညာင္တုန္း) ထိုးတဲ့ပဲြမွာ ျဖစ္တာ။ သူတျပန္ ကိုယ္တျပန္ ထိုးေနတုန္း ေစာငမန္း လဲက်ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္ လံုးေခ်ာက ညစ္ၿပီး ဒူးနဲ႔တိုက္ဖို႔ ႀကိဳးစားတာ။ ပရိသတ္က အားလံုးေတြ႔ေနရေတာ့ လံုးေခ်ာညစ္တယ္ဆိုၿပီး ဆဲလည္းဆဲ၊ ေရသန္႔ဘူးေတြ၊ ေရခဲအိတ္ေတြ အခ်ိဳရည္ဘူးခံြေတြနဲ႔ စင္ကို ဝိုင္းေပါက္ၾကတာ။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ သူရေအးျမင့္လည္း ပဲြၾကည့္ေနတယ္ ဆိုေတာ့ ခန္းမႀကီးတခုလံုးကို မီးေမွာင္ခ်လိုက္ရတယ္။ မိနစ္တခ်ဳိ႕ၾကာၿပီးေနာက္ မီးျပန္လင္းလာၿပီး ဒိုင္ခ်ဳပ္က ပရိသတ္ကို အကယ္၍ စည္းကမ္းခ်ိဳးေဖာက္တာ ရွိခဲ့ရင္ အမွတ္ေလွ်ာ့မယ္၊ အ႐ႈံးေပးပါ့မယ္၊ ပရိသတ္ႀကီး ေက်နပ္ၾကပါဆိုၿပီး ေတာင္းပန္တယ္။ မီးေမွာင္ၿပီး ေရသန္႔ဘူးေတြ ပလူပ်ံေနတုန္းမွာ ဝန္ႀကီးကို လံုၿခံဳေရးရဲေတြ ေရာက္လာၿပီး အကာအကြယ္ေပးၾကတယ္။ လက္ေဝွ႔ႀကိဳးဝိုင္းနားမွာ ၾကည့္ေနတဲ့ အခ်ဳိ႕စစ္အရာရွိေတြကေတာ့ ခံုေအာက္ၾကမ္းျပင္ေပၚမွာ ဝပ္ေနၾကတာ ေတြ႔ရတယ္” ဟု ေျပာသည္။
အဆိုပါပဲြၿပီးသည့္ေနာက္ လံုးေခ်ာနဲ႔ ေစာငမန္း တေယာက္ကို တေယာက္ အလဲထိုးႏိုင္ျခင္း မရွိသည့္အတြက္ အမွတ္ေပးဆံုးျဖတ္သည္။ အမွတ္ေပးဒိုင္ (၃) ဦးစလံုးက စည္းကမ္းခ်ိဳးေဖာက္၍ ပရိသတ္မ်ား ေအာ္ဟစ္ ဆႏၵျပခဲ့သည့္ လံုးေခ်ာကို အ႐ံႈးေပးၿပီး ေစာငမန္းကို အႏိုင္ေပးခဲ့ရသည္။
အဆိုပါပဲြကို ၾကည့္႐ႈခဲ့သူ ေနာက္ပရိသတ္တဦးကလည္း အဆိုပါပဲြကိုၾကည့္ရင္း ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ား၏ မတရားမႈကို လက္ပိုက္ထိုင္ၾကည့္မေနတတ္သည့္ စိတ္ထား ေပၚလြင္ေၾကာင္း၊ ဝန္ႀကီးတပါး ထိုင္ေနသည္ကိုပင္ ဂ႐ုမစုိက္ မေၾကာက္ဘဲ ဆူပူဆႏၵျပရဲၾကေၾကာင္း၊ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ရလဒ္သည္လည္း ပရိသတ္လိုလားသည့္ ရလဒ္ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ အကယ္၍ ဒိုင္မ်ားကသာ လံုးေခ်ာကို အႏိုင္ေပးလိုက္ပါက ႐ံုထဲတြင္ ၎ထက္ႀကီးသည့္ အဓိက႐ုဏ္းတခု ျမင္ေတြ႔ရႏိုင္ဖြယ္ရွိေၾကာင္း စသျဖင့္ ေျပာျပသည္။
စစ္အစိုးရ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနသည့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ စစ္အရာရွိ ဝန္ႀကီးတဦးရွိေနခ်ိန္ ဆူဆူပူပူ ျဖစ္ပြားျခင္းမွာ ျဖစ္ေတာင့္ျဖစ္ခဲ ျဖစ္ရပ္ျဖစ္သည္္။ ယခင္ကသာ ယခုကဲ့သုိ႔ ျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ိဳး ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့လွ်င္ လံုၿခံဳေရးရဲတပ္ဖဲြ႕ဝင္မ်ားက ဆူပူသူမ်ားကို ရွာေဖြဖမ္းဆီးအေရးယူမည္ ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ယခုျဖစ္ရပ္တြင္မူ မတရားမႈကို မႏွစ္သက္သည့္ ပရိသတ္အင္အားက ႀကီးမားေနသျဖင့္ မည္သို႔မွ် အေရးယူႏိုင္ျခင္း မရွိေၾကာင္း စုံစမ္းသိရသည္။
အဆိုပါေန႔က အားကစား႐ံုထဲတြင္ ပရိသတ္ (၂,ဝဝဝ) ေက်ာ္ခန္႔ရွိသည္။
President of Guinea-Bissau assassinated
3th March, 2009
(CNN) -- The president of Guinea-Bissau was assassinated Monday morning, a day after an explosion killed the head of the West African country's military, the prime minister said.
It was not immediately clear how President Joao Bernardo Vieira, 69, died. Prime Minister Carlos Gomes confirmed the death to CNN.
Early Monday, gunfire and rocket explosions that lasted for about an hour were heard near the presidential palace in the capital, Bissau, according to local media. Looting was later reported at the presidential palace.
Army spokesman Zamora Induta said an aide to the president was killed during the gunfire.
He added that the gunmen remained at-large and that a 10-member-commission will manage the army until a new chief of staff is named.
The army, he said, will remain neutral.
Gen. Tagme Na Waie, chief of Guinea-Bissau's military, was killed in a bomb explosion in his office Sunday, according to local news reports. Five other high-ranking military officials were wounded, two of them critically.
After the attack, all local radio stations were ordered to immediately suspend their programs.
The United Nations said U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed dismay over the killings.
"The secretary-general strongly condemns these violent acts, which have occurred soon after successful legislative elections which paved the way for enhanced U.N. support to the country's peace-building efforts," the statement said.
"The secretary-general calls urgently for calm and restraint, and urges the national authorities of Guinea-Bissau to fully investigate these assassinations and bring to justice those responsible for them."
The British government issued a statement advising against "all but essential travel" to the country.
Na Waie's predecessor also was assassinated. Soldiers shot and killed Gen. Verissimo Correia Seabra in October 2004.
Guinea-Bissau, a former Portuguese colony, has a history of military coups. Monday's development is the latest violence over four months as the army and Guinea-Bissau's president have clashed. See location map of Guinea-Bissau »
The tiny west African country, located between Guinea and Senegal, has a population of 1.5 million and is considered one of the five poorest countries in the world, according to the CIA Factbook.
The country has been in a near-constant state of political upheaval since independence from Portugal in 1974.
In 1980, Vieira became president after a military coup. He was accused of purging political rivals and suppressing dissent, but several coup attempts throughout the 1980s and early 1990s failed to unseat him.
In 1994, the country held its first free elections, and Vieira was elected president. He held the post for five years, until a military mutiny ousted him, and the country plunged into civil war.
Successor Kumba Yala took office in 2000. He also was unseated in a military coup after three years.
Yala's ouster paved the way for Vieira to run for office again. In 2005, he was re-elected president, pledging to pursue economic development and national reconciliation.
Monday, March 2, 2009
အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ျဖင့္ စတင္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခံခဲ့ရေသာေန ့ (သို ့) အာဏာရွင္ ေန၀င္းမွ ျပည္သူ ့အာဏာကို အႏိုင္က်င့္ လုယူခဲ့ေသာေန ့ (မတ္လ ၂ ရက္၊ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္)။
2-3-2009
ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေကာင္စီ အမည္ခံ ေန၀င္းဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္အုပ္စုဟာ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္၊ မတ္လ (၂) ၇က္ေန ့မွာ ျမန္မာျပည္ျပည္သူအားလုံးရဲ ့ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ဘ၀ေတြကို ကံႀကမၼာဆိုးရြားေစခဲ့တဲ့ အာဏာသိမ္းပြဲကို ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့တယ္။ ျပည္သူ ့အာဏာကို အဓမၼက်င့္ျပီး တိုင္းျပည္ကို မတရား စတင္ အုပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခဲ့တယ္။ ေသြးစြန္းေနတဲ့လက္ေတြ ယမ္းေငြ ့ညံ့ေနတဲ့ လူသတ္လက္နက္ေတြနဲ ့ အာဏာရွင္အုပ္စုကို ဆန္ ့က်င္အံတုသူေတြကို ဖမ္းဆီးေထာင္ခ်ခဲ့တယ္။ ေန၀င္းအာဏာရွင္ အုပ္စိုးေနတဲ့ကာတစ္ေလွ်ာက္မွာ ေတာ္လွန္ပုန္ကန္ႀကတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသူေက်ာင္းသားေတြ ျပည္သူျပည္သားေတြကို ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ သတ္ျဖတ္ေျခမွဳန္းခဲ့တယ္။
တရုတ္ေသြးစပ္ ေန၀င္း (ရွဴေမာင္ - Shu Maung -Apple of One’s Eye) ဟာ ၁၉၂၉ ခုႏွစ္က ရန္ကုန္ေကာလိပ္မွာ ေက်ာင္းတက္ခဲ့ေပမယ့္ စာေမးပြဲမွာ Biology ဘာသာရပ္ကို မေအာင္ျမင္ စာေမးပြဲက်ခဲ့လို ့ ေက်ာင္းထြက္ခဲ့ရတယ္။ ဒီအေႀကာင္းအခ်က္ေႀကာင့္လည္း ေန၀င္းဟာ တကၠသိုလ္နဲ ့ တကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းသူေက်ာင္းသားေတြကို မုန္းတီတဲ့စိတ္ ၀င္ခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ တရုတ္ေသြးစပ္တဲ့ ေန၀င္းဟာ သူ ့လက္ထက္ကတည္းက တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံရဲ ့ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အာဏာရွင္ႀကီးေတြအေပၚမွာ တပည့္ခံျပီး အားကိုးသမွဳ ျပဳခဲ့တယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာနဲ ့ ဆက္ဆံရမွာ အထူးေႀကာက္ရြံ ့သူျဖစ္လို ့ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးနဲ ့ စီးပြားေရးရာကိစၥေတြမွာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာနဲ ့ဆက္ဆံတဲ့ေနရာမွာ ႀကားေန၀ါဒနဲ ့ တံခါးပိတ္စီးပြားေရး၀ါဒကို က်င့္သုံးခဲ့တယ္။ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းႏိုင္ငံေတြရဲ ့ အာဆီယံအဖြဲ ့ႀကီးထဲေတာင္ ၀င္ေရာက္ဖို ့ ျငင္းပယ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ ေလာင္းကစား အလြန္၀ါသနာပါျပီး (အထူးသျဖင့္ ျမင္းေလာင္းတာကို အဓိကထားတယ္)၊ မိန္းမေပြသူ မိန္းမလိုက္စားသူလည္း ျဖစ္တယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းမွာ တရား၀င္ယူတဲ့ ေဒၚတင္တင္၊ ေဒၚခင္ေမသန္း (ေယာက်ၤားေဟာင္းမွာ ေဒါက္တာတုတ္ႀကီး)၊ ေဒၚနီနီျမင့္၊ ရတနာနတ္မယ္တို ့အျပင္၁၉၈၀ ခုႏွစ္လြန္ အခ်ိန္ကာလတုန္းကလည္း ေက်ာက္မ်က္ရတနာေကာ္ပိုေရးရွင္းက အသက္အရြယ္ငယ္တဲ့ ၀န္ထမ္းအမ်ဳိးသမီးတစ္ဦးကိုလည္း ရယူဖို ့ ႀကဳိးပမ္းခဲ့တယ္လို ့ ျပည္သူလူထုအႀကားမွာ သတင္းေက်ာ္ႀကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေလာင္းကစားနဲ ့ပတ္သက္လို ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္းမွာတင္မကဘဲ ကမၻာေက်ာ္ မဲလ္ဘန္းကပ္ (Melbourne Cup) လို ့ေခၚတဲ့ ႀသစေႀတလ်ႏိုင္ငံက ျမင္းျပဳိင္ပြဲကို ႏွစ္စဥ္ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ေလယာဥ္နဲ ့ သြားေရာက္ျပီး ေလာင္းကစားေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ စတင္ အာဏာသိမ္းျပီးတာနဲ ့ လူသတ္လက္နက္ေတြနဲ ့ ေက်ာင္းသားျပည္သူ ရဟန္းရွင္လူေတြကို ဖိႏွိပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခ်ယ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေရွးဦးစြာ ရန္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းသားေတြရဲ ့ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢအေဆာက္အဦးကို ဇူလိုင္လ (၇) ရက္ေန ့မွာ ဒိုင္းနမိုက္နဲ ့ ျဖဳိခြင္းဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ့ျပီး ေက်ာင္းအေဆာင္ေတြအတြင္း ၀င္ေရာက္ေရွာင္တိမ္း ပုန္းေအာင္းေနတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသူေက်ာင္းသားေတြကို မေသေသေအာင္ ပစ္သတ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ထို ့ေနာက္ ၁၉၇၄ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလမွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသား ဦးသန္ ့ (ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဴပ္ေဟာင္း) ရဲ ့ အသက္မဲ့ခႏၶာကိုယ္ကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသို ့ ျပန္လည္သယ္ေဆာင္လာတဲ့အခါမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္စ်ာပနအေနနဲ ့ အေလးထားျပီး ဂုဏ္ျပဳတာမ်ဳိး မဟုတ္လို ့၊ ဦးသန္ ့ရုပ္ကလာပ္ကို ရန္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္မွ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြမွ သယ္ေဆာင္ယူကာ ၇န္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္၀န္းအတြင္းတြင္ ထားရွိျပီး ဆႏၵျပႀကတဲ့အခါမွာလည္း အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ စစ္တပ္အင္အားနဲ ့ ၀င္ေရာက္ျဖဳိခြင္းကာ ပစ္ခတ္သတ္ျဖတ္ေစခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ထို ့အျပင္ ၁၉၇၆ ခုႏွစ္၊ မတ္လမွာ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ မွိဳင္းရာျပည့္အေရးေတာ္ပုံမွာလည္း ေသြးစြန္းေနေသာ လူသတ္လက္မ်ားနဲ ့ ထပ္မံျဖဳိခြင္း သတ္ျဖတ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းလက္ထက္မွာ လူမ်ဳိးေရးအဓိကရုန္းေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ တရုတ္-ဗမာအေရးအခင္း၊ ကုလား-ဗမာအေရးအခင္းေတြကိုသာမက ဘာသာေရးအဓိကရုန္းေတြ ျဖစ္ပြားေအာင္ ဖန္တီးျပီး၊ ထိုျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ အဓိကရုန္းေတြအေပၚ ရက္စက္စြာ ႏွိမ္နင္းျဖဳိခြဲျပီး ေန၀င္းအား ၄င္းရဲ ့ အာဏာတန္ခိုးကို အေႀကာက္တရားနဲ ့တဖုံ၊ နာမည္ေကာင္းယူ ဟန္ေဆာင္နည္းျဖင့္တမ်ဳိး က်င့္သုံးကာ ျပည္သူလူထုအေပၚ ဖိနွပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခ်ယ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
သို ့ေသာ္လည္း ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ေရာက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ - ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ကေန ျပည္သူ ့အာဏာကို လုယူျပီး အာဏာသိမ္း အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ကာ ျမန္မာ့ဆိုရွယ္လစ္လမ္းစဥ္ပါတီဆိုတဲ့ တစ္ပါတီစနစ္ကို ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ထိ ျပဌန္းအုပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္း ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ မဖလပါတီဟာ ေ၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ ရွစ္ေလးလုံးအေရးေတာ္ပုံႀကီးအတြင္းမွာ ျပဳိက်ပ်က္စီးခဲ့ကာ နိဂုန္းခ်ဴပ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ ေန၀င္းဘ၀ဇာတ္သိမ္းခါနီးမွာ ကိုယ္ေမြးတဲ့ ေမ်ာက္ ကိုယ္ ့ျပန္ေျခာက္ဆိုသလိုဘဲ ေန၀င္းနဲ ့ မိသားစုအသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းတစ္ခုလုံးကို ဖမ္းဆီးထိန္းသိမ္းခဲ့တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္သစ္ သန္းေရႊေႀကာင့္ ေသတာေတာင္မွ လူမသိသူမသိနဲ ့ ေခြးေလေခြးလြင့္ တစ္ေကာင္ေသသလိုမ်ဳိးနဲ ့ တန္ဘိုးမဲ့စြာနဲ ့ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းတစ္ေယာက္ ေန၀င္ခ်ဳပ္ျခိမ္းခဲ့ရတယ္။ ၂၀၀၂ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ (၅) ရက္ေန ့မနက္ ၇ နာရီခြဲခန္ ့အခ်ိန္မွာ အာဏာရွင္ေဟာင္းႀကီးေန၀င္း ေသဆုံးသြားခဲ့တယ္။ ျပည္သူလူထုကို ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၂၆ ႏွစ္ႀကာ ဒုကၡမ်ဳိးစုံနဲ ့ ႏွိပ္စက္ ဖိႏွိပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခ်ယ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ ေသသြားသည့္တိုင္ေအာင္ သံေ၀ဂရျပီး ေနာင္တလုံး၀ ရရွိပုံ မေပၚခဲ့ပါဖူး။
သံေ၀ဂမရရွိ ေနာင္တ မရရွိေပမယ့္ ၀ဋ္ဆိုတာ ဘ၀မကူးခင္ လည္တတ္တယ္ဆိုတာကို အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းတစ္ေယာက္ သေဘာေပါက္သြားမွာပါ။ အာဏာႀကီးစိုးျပီး တန္ခိုးထြားေနခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ ေခါင္းမေထာင္ ျပန္မေျပာရႀဲကတဲ့ လက္ေအာက္ငယ္သားေတြျဖစ္တဲ့၊ ေကြ်းေမြးထားျပီး အေရာင္အ၀ါရွိေအာင္ ေပးကမ္းေပးထားတဲ့ ေက်းဇူးနဲ ့ ေႀကာက္ရြံ ့ေနလို ့သာ ေနေနႀကတဲ့ သန္းေရႊတို ့လို ေန၀င္းရဲ ့ ဒူးမနာသားေတြက အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းနဲ ့ မိသားစုအေဆြအမ်ဳိးေတြကို ျပန္လည္ဒုကၡေပးပါေတာ့တယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္း မေသခင္မွာဘဲ ဖမ္းဆီးျပီး ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဴပ္ဘ၀နဲ ့ အက်ဥ္းခ်ထားလိုက္ပါတယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္း ေသဆုံးတဲ့ေနာက္မွာ စ်ာပနကို ေန၀င္းရဲ ့သမီး စႏၵာ၀င္းနဲ ့ လူ (၂၅) ေယာက္ခန္ ့သာ လိုက္ပါပို ့ေဆာင္ခြင့္ေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းတစ္ေယာက္ အာဏာျပဳိကြဲပ်က္စီးတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ျပည္သူလူထုအေပၚ အာဂတအညိဳးတႀကီးထားျပီး ျပည္သူလူထုကို ပစ္ခတ္သတ္ျဖတ္ေခ်င္ေသးတဲ့စိတ္ကို ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္မွာ မဆလပါတီကေန ႏွဳတ္ထြက္တဲ့ သူရဲ ့ ေနာက္ဆုံးမိန္ ့ခြန္းထဲမွာ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း ေျပာႀကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။
“ကဲ - စစ္တပ္၀င္ေပေတာ့ဆိုျပီး ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ခြင့္ျပဳလိုက္တယ္ … …… …. .. တိုင္းျပည္တျပည္လုံး လူထုကို သိေစခ်င္တယ္၊ ေနာင္ကို လူစုလူေ၀းနဲ ့ ဆူဆူပူပူလုပ္လို ့ရွိရင္ေတာ့ စစ္တပ္ဆိုတာ ပစ္ရင္မွန္ေအာင္ ပစ္တယ္၊ မိုးေပၚေထာင္ျပီး ေျခာက္တာ မပါဖူး၊ အဲ့ဒီေတာ့ ေနာင္ကို ဆူဆူပူပူလုပ္မယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ျဖင့္ တပ္ကို သုံးလို ့ရွိရင္ေတာ့ ဆူတဲ့သူေတြ မသက္သာဖူးလို ့သာ မွတ္ေပေတာ့လို ့ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ဒီကေန ေျပာလိုတယ္” လို ့ သူရဲ ့ မဆလပါတီကေန ႏွဳတ္ထြက္တဲ့ မိန္ ့ခြန္းထဲ ျပည္သူလူထုကို ေပၚတင္ႀကီး ျခိမ္းေျခာက္ကာ ေန၀င္းစာ သူရဲ ့ ဇာတိရုပ္ အစစ္အမွန္ လူသတ္ေကာင္အျဖစ္ ေပၚလြင္ထင္ရွားစြာ ျပသခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဒီမိန္ ့ခြန္းကို နားေထာင္ေနႀကတဲ့ တတိုင္းျပည္လုံးက ျပည္သူလူထုဟာ ေဒါသူပုန္ထကာ မေက်မနပ္ျဖစ္ႀကျပီး ေနာက္ေန ့မွာဘဲ လမ္းမေတြထြက္ျပီး ျမိဳ ့တိုင္း ရြာတိုင္း နယ္တိုင္းမွာ ဆႏၵထြက္ျပခဲ့ႀကပါတယ္။
သူရဲ ့ ေနာက္ဆုံးမိန္ ့ခြန္းကို နားေထာင္လိုပါက ဒီမွာ ေဒါင္းလုပ္ download လုပ္ကာ နားဆင္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ http://sharebee.com/fb2d3b33
အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းတစ္ေယာက္ ဘယ္ဘုံဘ၀ေရာက္ေရာက္ သူရဲ ့မိုက္ေႀကြးမိုက္ျပစ္နဲ ့ အကုသို္လ္တရားကို ခံစားေနရဆဲ ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ထို ့အတူ ျမန္မာျပည္ရဲ ့ သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းမွာလည္း အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းရဲ ့ ဆိုးရြားမွဳအေႀကာင္းေတြက ကမၻာတည္သေရြ ့ ဆက္လက္တည္ရွိေနမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္း ျပီးဆုံးျပီးသည့္ေနာက္ မႀကာခင္မွာလည္း အာဏာရွင္သန္းေရႊ အလွည့္ မႀကာခင္ ေရာက္ေတာ့မွာမို ့ ဒီေရးသားခ်က္ ပိုစ့္အား ဖတ္ျဖစ္သြားေစလိုပါတယ္။ ထို ့အတူ အာဏာရွင္လက္သစ္ေတြလည္း သိေစလိုပါတယ္။ အာဏာဆိုတာ တစ္ေန ့ေန ့မွာ က်ဆုံးရမွာပါ။
နစ္ေနမန္(http://www.niknayman-niknayman.blogspot.com/ မွ ကူးယူ ေဖာ္ျပသည္။)
Here is about Ne WIN From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia that I copied to read more.
Ne Win
________________________________________
4th President of Burma
In office
1974 – 1981
Preceded by Win Maung (1962)
Succeeded by San Yu
________________________________________
4th Prime Minister of Burma
In office
29 October 1958 – 4 April 1960
Preceded by U Nu
Succeeded by U Nu
________________________________________
6th Prime Minister of Burma
In office
2 March 1962 – 4 March 1974
Preceded by U Nu
Succeeded by Brigadier General Sein Win
________________________________________
Born May 14, 1911
Paungdalè, Burma
Died December 5, 2002 (aged 91)
Rangoon, Burma
Nationality Burma
Political party Burma Socialist Programme Party
Spouse Daw Tin Tin
Daw Khin May Than
Daw Yadanar Nat Me
Daw Ni Ni Myint
Children U Ngwe Soe
Daw Sandar Win
U Phyo Wai Win
Daw Kyay Mone Win
Ne Win (Burmese: ေနဝင္်း [nè wín]; 24 May or 14 May 1911 or 10 July 1910 – 5 December 2002; born Shu Maung) was a Burmese statesman and military commander. He was Prime Minister of Burma from 1958 to 1960 and 1962 to 1974 and also head of state from 1962 to 1981. He also was the founder and from 1963 to 1988 the chairman of the Burma Socialist Programme Party, which from 1964 until 1988 was the sole political party.
Contents
]
• 1 Date of birth
• 2 Early years
• 3 Military coup of 1962
• 4 "Burmese Way to Socialism" (1962-1988)
o 4.1 Economic policies
• 5 Protests
• 6 Resignation
• 7 Military coup of 1988
• 8 Family
• 9 Death
• 10 References
• 11 External links
Date of birth
Ne Win's date of birth is not known with certainty. The English language publication Who's Who in Burma published in 1961 by People's Literature House, Rangoon, stated that Ne Win was born on 24 May 1911. The late Dr. Maung Maung stated in the Burmese version of his book Burma and General Ne Win, also published in English, that Ne Win was born on 14 May 1911. However, in a book written in Burmese entitled The Thirty Comrades, the author Kyaw Nyein gave Ne Win's date of birth as '10 July 1910'.
Kyaw Nyein's date of 1910 can be considered as the more plausible date. First, Kyaw Nyein had access to historical records and he interviewed many surviving members of the Thirty Comrades when he wrote the book in the mid-to late 1990s. (Ne Win was one of the Thirty Comrades who secretly went to undergo military training in Japanese-occupied Hainan Island in the early 1940s for the purpose of fighting for independence from the British. In his book published around 1998 Kyaw Nyein lists the names of the surviving members of the Thirty Comrades whom he had interviewed although Ne Win was not one of them.) Secondly, when Ne Win died on 5 December 2002, the Burmese language newspapers which were allowed to carry a paid obituary stated the age of 'U Ne Win' to be '93 years'. According to Burmese custom a person's age is their age next birthday. Since Ne Win turned 92 in July 2002, when he died in December 2002 he was considered to be 93 years old. Most Western news agencies, based on the May, 1911 birth date, reported that Ne Win was 91 years old but the obituary put up by his family (most probably his children) stated that he was 93 years old, which would be 92 according to the Western way of calculating age.
Early years
Ne Win, given name Shu Maung, was born into an educated Chinese middle class family in Paungdale about 200 miles north of Rangoon. Although Ne Win officially declared his ancestry to be Bamar,[1] there is speculation that he had Chinese roots,[2][3] with ancestry from Meixian.[4] He spent two years at Rangoon University beginning in 1929, and took biology as his main subject with hopes of becoming a doctor. However, he left university and Rangoon in 1931 to become Thakin Shu Maung, a member of the nationalist organisation Dobama Asiayone (We Burmans Association). Other members of the group included Aung San (father of Aung San Suu Kyi) and U Nu. In 1941 Ne Win, as a member of the Ba Sein-Tun Ok (Socialist) faction of the Dobama, was one of thirty young men chosen for military training by the Japanese . Their leader was Aung San and they formed the Burma Independence Army (BIA). During military training at the then Japanese-occupied Hainan Island Shu Maung chose a nom de guerre, Bo Ne Win (Commander Radiant Sun). In early 1942 the Japanese Army and the BIA entered Burma in the wake of the retreating British forces. Ne Win's role in the campaign was to organize resistance behind the British lines.
The experience of the Japanese Occupation in Burma worked to alienate the nationalists as well as the population at large. Toward the end of the Second World War, on 27 March 1945 the Burma National Army (successor to the BIA) turned against the Japanese following the British re-invasion of Burma. Ne Win, as one of the BNA Commanders, was quick to establish links with the British - attending the Kandy conference in Ceylon and taking charge of the anti-Communist operations in the Pyinmana area as commander of the 4th Burma Rifles after the Red Flag Communists and the Communist Party of Burma went underground to fight against the government in October 1946 and on 28 March 1948 respectively. Burma obtained independence on 4 January 1948, and for the first 14 years it had a parliamentary and democratic government mainly under Prime Minister U Nu, but the country was riven with political division. Even before independence, Aung San was assassinated together with six of his cabinet members on 19 July 1947; U Saw, a pre-war prime minister and political rival of Aung San, was found guilty of the crime and executed. U Nu as leader of the Socialists took charge of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) formed by the Communists, Socialists and the BNA in 1945 now that Aung San was dead and the Communists expelled from the AFPFL.
Following independence there were uprisings in the army and amongst ethnic minority groups. In late 1948, after a confrontation between army rivals, Ne Win was appointed second in command of the army and his rival Bo Zeya, a communist commander and fellow member of the Thirty Comrades, took a portion of the army into rebellion. Ne Win immediately adopted a policy of creating Socialist militia battalions called 'Sitwundan' under his personal command with the approval of U Nu. On 31 January 1949, Ne Win was appointed Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces (Tatmadaw) and given total control of the army replacing General Smith Dun, an ethnic Karen. He rebuilt and restructured the armed forces along the ruling Socialist Party's political lines, but the country was still split and the government was ineffective.
Ne Win was asked to serve as interim prime minister from 28 October 1958 by U Nu, when the AFPFL split into two factions and U Nu barely survived a motion of no-confidence against his government in parliament. Ne Win restored order during the period known as the Ne Win caretaker government'.[5] Elections were held in February 1960 and Ne Win handed back power to the victorious U Nu on 4 April 1960.
Military coup of 1962
Less than two years later, on 2 March 1962, Ne Win again seized power in a military coup d'etat. Ne Win became head of state as Chairman of the Revolutionary Council and also Prime Minister.
The coup was characterized as "bloodless" by the world's media, although the former President of Burma Sao Shwe Thaik's young son was shot dead by a soldier, and protests and demonstrations were ruthlessly suppressed. When Rangoon University students staged a peaceful demonstration against "unjust university rules" on 7 July 1962, Ne Win sent his troops to disperse the students. This resulted in about 100 unarmed students being shot and the historic Rangoon University Student Union building - a place of historic significance due to being the centre of anti-colonial struggles[citation needed] - being blown up the next morning.
Shortly afterwards, around 8 p.m. local time, Ne Win addressed the nation in a five minute long radio which concluded in the statement: "if these disturbances were made to challenge us, I have to declare that we will fight sword with sword and spear with spear".[6]
In 1988, 26 years later, Ne Win denied any involvement in dynamiting of the Student Union building, stating that his deputy Brigadier Aung Gyi - who by that time had fallen out with Ne Win and dismissed - had given the order and that he had to take responsibility as a "revolutionary leader" by giving the sword with sword and spear with spear speech.
On 13 July 1962, less than a week after the speech, Ne Win left for Austria, Switzerland and the United Kingdom "for a medical check up".[7] All universities were closed for more than two years until September 1964.
"Burmese Way to Socialism" (1962-1988)
Ne Win instituted a system including elements of extreme nationalism[citation needed], Marxism, and Buddhism[citation needed] - though he himself lacked interest in either ideology or religion - terming this the Burmese Way to Socialism.
Ne Win founded the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), the chairman of which he remained for 26 years from 4 July 1962 until 23 July 1988. On 23 March 1964, a decree banned all other political parties, establishing a one party state.
His government imprisoned political activists and fought ethnic and communist insurgencies with massive military force. Ethnic problems arose mainly in the south-eastern part of the country, where the British had promised the Karen people a separate state or considerable autonomy.
On 2 March 1974 - twelve years after his coup - he disbanded the Revolutionary Council and proclaimed the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma. He had himself elected as President and shortly afterwards appointed Brigadier General Sein Win Prime Minister.
On 9 November 1981, Ne Win resigned as President and was succeeded in that post by General San Yu. However, Ne Win remained leader of the party and thus remained the ultimate political authority until his resignation in 1988.
Economic policies
His government nationalized the economy and pursued a policy of autarky, which involved the economic isolation of his country from the world. The ubiquitous black market and rampant smuggling supplied the needs of the people, while the central government slid slowly into bankruptcy. Autarky also involved expelling foreigners and restricting visits by foreigners to three days, and after 1972, one week. Furthermore, political oppression caused many in the educated workforce to emigrate.
He also took drastic steps regarding the currency: In 1963, he issued a decree that 50 and 100 kyat notes would cease to be legal tender, alleging that they were subject to hoarding by blackmarketeers and also financing of the various insurgencies. Though limited compensation was offered, this wiped out people's savings overnight. At least one insurgency, that of the ethnic Kayan, was triggered by this act.
In September 1987 he ordered the Burmese currency, the kyat, to be issued in denominations of 15, 35, 45, 75 and 90 kyats, besides the existing 5 and 10 kyat notes. He reportedly changed the currency to add up to nine because an astrologer said he would live to 90 if he did this. Ne Win was well known for his penchant numerology and yadaya - cabalistic rituals and spells performed in order to ward off misfortune.
In 1987 After the United Nations had declared Burma a "Least Developed Country" in 1987, Ne Win resigned on 23 July 1988 as chairman of the ruling Burma Socialist Programme Party at the height of the uprising against one-party rule.
Protests
Despite the oppression, sporadic protests against the government continued. Students led protests in 1965, December 1969, December 1970. These demonstrations took place mainly on campuses located in the cities of Rangoon, Mandalay and Moulmein and were often followed by closure of universities and colleges. In June 1974, workers from more than 100 factories throughout the nation participated in a strike, to which h the government reacted by shooting about 100 workers and students on 6 June 1974 at the Thamaing Textile Factory and the Sinmalaik Dock Yard in Rangoon. Since Ne Win was in Australia on an official visit at the time, responsibility for these shootings is unclear. On 5 December 1974, students turned the funeral of former UN Secretary General U Thant into a demonstration, snatching the coffin on display at the Kyaikkasan Race Course and erecting a makeshift mausoleum on the grounds of the former Student Union building in protest against the government for not honouring their famous countryman with a state funeral. The military stormed the campus on 11 December killing some of the students, recovered the coffin and buried U Thant at the foot of the Shwedagon pagoda, next to the tomb of Thakin Kodaw Hmaing.
Students from universities throughout Rangoon demonstrated again in June 1975 in commemoration of the previous year's Labour Strike. Student-led demonstrations also occurred in March 1976, September 1987, March and June 1988. In August and September 1988, these demonstrations turned into a nation-wide uprising against BSPP rule in what is now known as the 'Four Eights Uprising'.
Resignation
At the height of the Four Eights Uprising against the BSSP regime, Ne Win resigned as party chairman on 23 July 1988. During his farewell speech to the BSPP Party Congress, he again resorted to issue warning against potential protestors, stating that if the "disturbances" continued the "Army would have to be called and I would like to declare from here that if the Army shoots it has no tradition of shooting into the air. It would shoot straight to hit."[8] The Tatmadaw troops, which shot, killed and maimed hundreds if not up to 3000 or more demonstrators in various places throughout Burma from the period of 8 August 1988 to 12 August 1988 and again on 18 September 1988 proved that Ne Win's farewell speech was not an empty threat.
Military coup of 1988
On 18 September 1988 the military led by General Saw Maung dispelled any hopes for democracy by brutally crushing the uprisings. It is widely believed that Ne Win, though in apparent retirement, orchestrated the coup from behind the scenes.[9]
For about ten years, Ne Win kept a low profile but remained a shadowy figure exercising at least some influence on the military junta. After 1998, Ne Win's influence on the junta began to wane. On 4 March 2002, an alleged plot to overthrow the junta by Ne Win's son-in-law Aye Zaw Win, the husband of his favorite daughter Sandar Win was exposed. Ne Win and his daughter were put under house arrest and in September Aye Zaw Win and his three sons - Aye Ne Win, Kyaw Ne Win and Zwe Ne Win - was found guilty of treason and sentenced to death. They are thought to remain in custody in Rangoon's Insein Jail.
Family
Ne Win was married five times:
1. He was first married to Tin Tin, who bore him a son, Ngwe Soe.
2. He then married Khin May Than (Katie Ba Than), daughter of Professor Ba Than, the former dean of Rangoon medical school. The couple had two daughters and a son between them, Sandar Win, Kye Mon Win, and Phyo Wai Win. Khin May Than brought three daughters from her first marriage, Le Le Win and twins Thida Win and Thawdar Win, into the family. Khin May Than was Ne Win's favourite wife and her death in 1972 was a heavy blow to him.
3. He then married Ni Ni Myint, a university teacher, whom he divorced.
4. He then married June Rose Bellamy (Yadana Natme), a great granddaughter of Crown Prince Ka Naung.
5. He remarried his former wife Ni Ni Myint.
Death
Still under house arrest, the 92-year-old Ne Win died on 5 December 2002 at his lakeside house in Yangon.[10] The death remained unannounced by Burmese media or the junta. The only mention of Ne Win's death was a paid obituary notice that appeared in some of the government-controlled Burmese language newspapers. Ne Win was not given a state funeral and his former contacts or junior colleagues were strongly discouraged from attending a hastily-arranged funeral, so that only thirty people attended the funeral.
Ne Win’s daughter Sandar Win was temporarily released from house arrest to attend his funeral and cremation. She later dispersed her father's ashes into the Hlaing River
References
1. ^ Tango with China (article located middle of the page)
2. ^ Leong, S.T. (1997). Migration and Ethnicity in Chinese History. Stanford University Press.
3. ^ Mya Maung, "The Burma Road from the Union of Burma to Myanmar". Asian Survey 34 (May 1994).
4. ^ 缅甸华人史概述(1)
5. ^ Nicholas Tarling, ed (1993). The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia. ISBN 0-521-35505-2.
6. ^ The Burmese phrase is "dah go dah gyin, hlan go hlan gyin". Two different English translations of the speech can be read on the front page of the Rangoon Nation and the Rangoon Guardian of 9 July 1962. Part of The Nation’s headline of 9 July 1962 read 'General Ne Win States Give Us Time to Work: Obstructionists are Warned: Will Fight Sword with Sword').
7. ^ News items of Ne Win's trip to these countries for 'medical check up' can be found in The Guardian and The Nation of 14 July 1962
8. ^ The English translation of Ne Win's speech can be found in 24 July 1988 issues of the Rangoon Guardian and The Working People's Daily.
9. ^ Stewart, Whitney (1997). Aung San Suu Kyi: Fearless Voice of Burma. ISBN 0-8225-4931-X.
10. ^ "Former Myanmar President U Ne Win Dies", People's Daily China 5 December 2002. Retrieved on 5 February 2007.
ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေကာင္စီ အမည္ခံ ေန၀င္းဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္အုပ္စုဟာ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္၊ မတ္လ (၂) ၇က္ေန ့မွာ ျမန္မာျပည္ျပည္သူအားလုံးရဲ ့ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ဘ၀ေတြကို ကံႀကမၼာဆိုးရြားေစခဲ့တဲ့ အာဏာသိမ္းပြဲကို ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့တယ္။ ျပည္သူ ့အာဏာကို အဓမၼက်င့္ျပီး တိုင္းျပည္ကို မတရား စတင္ အုပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခဲ့တယ္။ ေသြးစြန္းေနတဲ့လက္ေတြ ယမ္းေငြ ့ညံ့ေနတဲ့ လူသတ္လက္နက္ေတြနဲ ့ အာဏာရွင္အုပ္စုကို ဆန္ ့က်င္အံတုသူေတြကို ဖမ္းဆီးေထာင္ခ်ခဲ့တယ္။ ေန၀င္းအာဏာရွင္ အုပ္စိုးေနတဲ့ကာတစ္ေလွ်ာက္မွာ ေတာ္လွန္ပုန္ကန္ႀကတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသူေက်ာင္းသားေတြ ျပည္သူျပည္သားေတြကို ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ သတ္ျဖတ္ေျခမွဳန္းခဲ့တယ္။
တရုတ္ေသြးစပ္ ေန၀င္း (ရွဴေမာင္ - Shu Maung -Apple of One’s Eye) ဟာ ၁၉၂၉ ခုႏွစ္က ရန္ကုန္ေကာလိပ္မွာ ေက်ာင္းတက္ခဲ့ေပမယ့္ စာေမးပြဲမွာ Biology ဘာသာရပ္ကို မေအာင္ျမင္ စာေမးပြဲက်ခဲ့လို ့ ေက်ာင္းထြက္ခဲ့ရတယ္။ ဒီအေႀကာင္းအခ်က္ေႀကာင့္လည္း ေန၀င္းဟာ တကၠသိုလ္နဲ ့ တကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းသူေက်ာင္းသားေတြကို မုန္းတီတဲ့စိတ္ ၀င္ခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ တရုတ္ေသြးစပ္တဲ့ ေန၀င္းဟာ သူ ့လက္ထက္ကတည္းက တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံရဲ ့ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အာဏာရွင္ႀကီးေတြအေပၚမွာ တပည့္ခံျပီး အားကိုးသမွဳ ျပဳခဲ့တယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာနဲ ့ ဆက္ဆံရမွာ အထူးေႀကာက္ရြံ ့သူျဖစ္လို ့ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးနဲ ့ စီးပြားေရးရာကိစၥေတြမွာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာနဲ ့ဆက္ဆံတဲ့ေနရာမွာ ႀကားေန၀ါဒနဲ ့ တံခါးပိတ္စီးပြားေရး၀ါဒကို က်င့္သုံးခဲ့တယ္။ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းႏိုင္ငံေတြရဲ ့ အာဆီယံအဖြဲ ့ႀကီးထဲေတာင္ ၀င္ေရာက္ဖို ့ ျငင္းပယ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ ေလာင္းကစား အလြန္၀ါသနာပါျပီး (အထူးသျဖင့္ ျမင္းေလာင္းတာကို အဓိကထားတယ္)၊ မိန္းမေပြသူ မိန္းမလိုက္စားသူလည္း ျဖစ္တယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းမွာ တရား၀င္ယူတဲ့ ေဒၚတင္တင္၊ ေဒၚခင္ေမသန္း (ေယာက်ၤားေဟာင္းမွာ ေဒါက္တာတုတ္ႀကီး)၊ ေဒၚနီနီျမင့္၊ ရတနာနတ္မယ္တို ့အျပင္၁၉၈၀ ခုႏွစ္လြန္ အခ်ိန္ကာလတုန္းကလည္း ေက်ာက္မ်က္ရတနာေကာ္ပိုေရးရွင္းက အသက္အရြယ္ငယ္တဲ့ ၀န္ထမ္းအမ်ဳိးသမီးတစ္ဦးကိုလည္း ရယူဖို ့ ႀကဳိးပမ္းခဲ့တယ္လို ့ ျပည္သူလူထုအႀကားမွာ သတင္းေက်ာ္ႀကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေလာင္းကစားနဲ ့ပတ္သက္လို ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္းမွာတင္မကဘဲ ကမၻာေက်ာ္ မဲလ္ဘန္းကပ္ (Melbourne Cup) လို ့ေခၚတဲ့ ႀသစေႀတလ်ႏိုင္ငံက ျမင္းျပဳိင္ပြဲကို ႏွစ္စဥ္ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ေလယာဥ္နဲ ့ သြားေရာက္ျပီး ေလာင္းကစားေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ စတင္ အာဏာသိမ္းျပီးတာနဲ ့ လူသတ္လက္နက္ေတြနဲ ့ ေက်ာင္းသားျပည္သူ ရဟန္းရွင္လူေတြကို ဖိႏွိပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခ်ယ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေရွးဦးစြာ ရန္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းသားေတြရဲ ့ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢအေဆာက္အဦးကို ဇူလိုင္လ (၇) ရက္ေန ့မွာ ဒိုင္းနမိုက္နဲ ့ ျဖဳိခြင္းဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ့ျပီး ေက်ာင္းအေဆာင္ေတြအတြင္း ၀င္ေရာက္ေရွာင္တိမ္း ပုန္းေအာင္းေနတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသူေက်ာင္းသားေတြကို မေသေသေအာင္ ပစ္သတ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ထို ့ေနာက္ ၁၉၇၄ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလမွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသား ဦးသန္ ့ (ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဴပ္ေဟာင္း) ရဲ ့ အသက္မဲ့ခႏၶာကိုယ္ကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသို ့ ျပန္လည္သယ္ေဆာင္လာတဲ့အခါမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္စ်ာပနအေနနဲ ့ အေလးထားျပီး ဂုဏ္ျပဳတာမ်ဳိး မဟုတ္လို ့၊ ဦးသန္ ့ရုပ္ကလာပ္ကို ရန္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္မွ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြမွ သယ္ေဆာင္ယူကာ ၇န္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္၀န္းအတြင္းတြင္ ထားရွိျပီး ဆႏၵျပႀကတဲ့အခါမွာလည္း အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ စစ္တပ္အင္အားနဲ ့ ၀င္ေရာက္ျဖဳိခြင္းကာ ပစ္ခတ္သတ္ျဖတ္ေစခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ထို ့အျပင္ ၁၉၇၆ ခုႏွစ္၊ မတ္လမွာ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ မွိဳင္းရာျပည့္အေရးေတာ္ပုံမွာလည္း ေသြးစြန္းေနေသာ လူသတ္လက္မ်ားနဲ ့ ထပ္မံျဖဳိခြင္း သတ္ျဖတ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းလက္ထက္မွာ လူမ်ဳိးေရးအဓိကရုန္းေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ တရုတ္-ဗမာအေရးအခင္း၊ ကုလား-ဗမာအေရးအခင္းေတြကိုသာမက ဘာသာေရးအဓိကရုန္းေတြ ျဖစ္ပြားေအာင္ ဖန္တီးျပီး၊ ထိုျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ အဓိကရုန္းေတြအေပၚ ရက္စက္စြာ ႏွိမ္နင္းျဖဳိခြဲျပီး ေန၀င္းအား ၄င္းရဲ ့ အာဏာတန္ခိုးကို အေႀကာက္တရားနဲ ့တဖုံ၊ နာမည္ေကာင္းယူ ဟန္ေဆာင္နည္းျဖင့္တမ်ဳိး က်င့္သုံးကာ ျပည္သူလူထုအေပၚ ဖိနွပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခ်ယ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
သို ့ေသာ္လည္း ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ေရာက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ - ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ကေန ျပည္သူ ့အာဏာကို လုယူျပီး အာဏာသိမ္း အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ကာ ျမန္မာ့ဆိုရွယ္လစ္လမ္းစဥ္ပါတီဆိုတဲ့ တစ္ပါတီစနစ္ကို ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ထိ ျပဌန္းအုပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္း ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ မဖလပါတီဟာ ေ၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ ရွစ္ေလးလုံးအေရးေတာ္ပုံႀကီးအတြင္းမွာ ျပဳိက်ပ်က္စီးခဲ့ကာ နိဂုန္းခ်ဴပ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ ေန၀င္းဘ၀ဇာတ္သိမ္းခါနီးမွာ ကိုယ္ေမြးတဲ့ ေမ်ာက္ ကိုယ္ ့ျပန္ေျခာက္ဆိုသလိုဘဲ ေန၀င္းနဲ ့ မိသားစုအသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းတစ္ခုလုံးကို ဖမ္းဆီးထိန္းသိမ္းခဲ့တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္သစ္ သန္းေရႊေႀကာင့္ ေသတာေတာင္မွ လူမသိသူမသိနဲ ့ ေခြးေလေခြးလြင့္ တစ္ေကာင္ေသသလိုမ်ဳိးနဲ ့ တန္ဘိုးမဲ့စြာနဲ ့ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းတစ္ေယာက္ ေန၀င္ခ်ဳပ္ျခိမ္းခဲ့ရတယ္။ ၂၀၀၂ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ (၅) ရက္ေန ့မနက္ ၇ နာရီခြဲခန္ ့အခ်ိန္မွာ အာဏာရွင္ေဟာင္းႀကီးေန၀င္း ေသဆုံးသြားခဲ့တယ္။ ျပည္သူလူထုကို ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၂၆ ႏွစ္ႀကာ ဒုကၡမ်ဳိးစုံနဲ ့ ႏွိပ္စက္ ဖိႏွိပ္ခ်ဴပ္ခ်ယ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းဟာ ေသသြားသည့္တိုင္ေအာင္ သံေ၀ဂရျပီး ေနာင္တလုံး၀ ရရွိပုံ မေပၚခဲ့ပါဖူး။
သံေ၀ဂမရရွိ ေနာင္တ မရရွိေပမယ့္ ၀ဋ္ဆိုတာ ဘ၀မကူးခင္ လည္တတ္တယ္ဆိုတာကို အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းတစ္ေယာက္ သေဘာေပါက္သြားမွာပါ။ အာဏာႀကီးစိုးျပီး တန္ခိုးထြားေနခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ ေခါင္းမေထာင္ ျပန္မေျပာရႀဲကတဲ့ လက္ေအာက္ငယ္သားေတြျဖစ္တဲ့၊ ေကြ်းေမြးထားျပီး အေရာင္အ၀ါရွိေအာင္ ေပးကမ္းေပးထားတဲ့ ေက်းဇူးနဲ ့ ေႀကာက္ရြံ ့ေနလို ့သာ ေနေနႀကတဲ့ သန္းေရႊတို ့လို ေန၀င္းရဲ ့ ဒူးမနာသားေတြက အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းနဲ ့ မိသားစုအေဆြအမ်ဳိးေတြကို ျပန္လည္ဒုကၡေပးပါေတာ့တယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္း မေသခင္မွာဘဲ ဖမ္းဆီးျပီး ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဴပ္ဘ၀နဲ ့ အက်ဥ္းခ်ထားလိုက္ပါတယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္း ေသဆုံးတဲ့ေနာက္မွာ စ်ာပနကို ေန၀င္းရဲ ့သမီး စႏၵာ၀င္းနဲ ့ လူ (၂၅) ေယာက္ခန္ ့သာ လိုက္ပါပို ့ေဆာင္ခြင့္ေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းတစ္ေယာက္ အာဏာျပဳိကြဲပ်က္စီးတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ျပည္သူလူထုအေပၚ အာဂတအညိဳးတႀကီးထားျပီး ျပည္သူလူထုကို ပစ္ခတ္သတ္ျဖတ္ေခ်င္ေသးတဲ့စိတ္ကို ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္မွာ မဆလပါတီကေန ႏွဳတ္ထြက္တဲ့ သူရဲ ့ ေနာက္ဆုံးမိန္ ့ခြန္းထဲမွာ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း ေျပာႀကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။
“ကဲ - စစ္တပ္၀င္ေပေတာ့ဆိုျပီး ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ခြင့္ျပဳလိုက္တယ္ … …… …. .. တိုင္းျပည္တျပည္လုံး လူထုကို သိေစခ်င္တယ္၊ ေနာင္ကို လူစုလူေ၀းနဲ ့ ဆူဆူပူပူလုပ္လို ့ရွိရင္ေတာ့ စစ္တပ္ဆိုတာ ပစ္ရင္မွန္ေအာင္ ပစ္တယ္၊ မိုးေပၚေထာင္ျပီး ေျခာက္တာ မပါဖူး၊ အဲ့ဒီေတာ့ ေနာင္ကို ဆူဆူပူပူလုပ္မယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ျဖင့္ တပ္ကို သုံးလို ့ရွိရင္ေတာ့ ဆူတဲ့သူေတြ မသက္သာဖူးလို ့သာ မွတ္ေပေတာ့လို ့ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ဒီကေန ေျပာလိုတယ္” လို ့ သူရဲ ့ မဆလပါတီကေန ႏွဳတ္ထြက္တဲ့ မိန္ ့ခြန္းထဲ ျပည္သူလူထုကို ေပၚတင္ႀကီး ျခိမ္းေျခာက္ကာ ေန၀င္းစာ သူရဲ ့ ဇာတိရုပ္ အစစ္အမွန္ လူသတ္ေကာင္အျဖစ္ ေပၚလြင္ထင္ရွားစြာ ျပသခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဒီမိန္ ့ခြန္းကို နားေထာင္ေနႀကတဲ့ တတိုင္းျပည္လုံးက ျပည္သူလူထုဟာ ေဒါသူပုန္ထကာ မေက်မနပ္ျဖစ္ႀကျပီး ေနာက္ေန ့မွာဘဲ လမ္းမေတြထြက္ျပီး ျမိဳ ့တိုင္း ရြာတိုင္း နယ္တိုင္းမွာ ဆႏၵထြက္ျပခဲ့ႀကပါတယ္။
သူရဲ ့ ေနာက္ဆုံးမိန္ ့ခြန္းကို နားေထာင္လိုပါက ဒီမွာ ေဒါင္းလုပ္ download လုပ္ကာ နားဆင္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ http://sharebee.com/fb2d3b33
အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းတစ္ေယာက္ ဘယ္ဘုံဘ၀ေရာက္ေရာက္ သူရဲ ့မိုက္ေႀကြးမိုက္ျပစ္နဲ ့ အကုသို္လ္တရားကို ခံစားေနရဆဲ ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ထို ့အတူ ျမန္မာျပည္ရဲ ့ သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းမွာလည္း အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းရဲ ့ ဆိုးရြားမွဳအေႀကာင္းေတြက ကမၻာတည္သေရြ ့ ဆက္လက္တည္ရွိေနမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ေန၀င္း ျပီးဆုံးျပီးသည့္ေနာက္ မႀကာခင္မွာလည္း အာဏာရွင္သန္းေရႊ အလွည့္ မႀကာခင္ ေရာက္ေတာ့မွာမို ့ ဒီေရးသားခ်က္ ပိုစ့္အား ဖတ္ျဖစ္သြားေစလိုပါတယ္။ ထို ့အတူ အာဏာရွင္လက္သစ္ေတြလည္း သိေစလိုပါတယ္။ အာဏာဆိုတာ တစ္ေန ့ေန ့မွာ က်ဆုံးရမွာပါ။
နစ္ေနမန္(http://www.niknayman-niknayman.blogspot.com/ မွ ကူးယူ ေဖာ္ျပသည္။)
Here is about Ne WIN From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia that I copied to read more.
Ne Win
________________________________________
4th President of Burma
In office
1974 – 1981
Preceded by Win Maung (1962)
Succeeded by San Yu
________________________________________
4th Prime Minister of Burma
In office
29 October 1958 – 4 April 1960
Preceded by U Nu
Succeeded by U Nu
________________________________________
6th Prime Minister of Burma
In office
2 March 1962 – 4 March 1974
Preceded by U Nu
Succeeded by Brigadier General Sein Win
________________________________________
Born May 14, 1911
Paungdalè, Burma
Died December 5, 2002 (aged 91)
Rangoon, Burma
Nationality Burma
Political party Burma Socialist Programme Party
Spouse Daw Tin Tin
Daw Khin May Than
Daw Yadanar Nat Me
Daw Ni Ni Myint
Children U Ngwe Soe
Daw Sandar Win
U Phyo Wai Win
Daw Kyay Mone Win
Ne Win (Burmese: ေနဝင္်း [nè wín]; 24 May or 14 May 1911 or 10 July 1910 – 5 December 2002; born Shu Maung) was a Burmese statesman and military commander. He was Prime Minister of Burma from 1958 to 1960 and 1962 to 1974 and also head of state from 1962 to 1981. He also was the founder and from 1963 to 1988 the chairman of the Burma Socialist Programme Party, which from 1964 until 1988 was the sole political party.
Contents
]
• 1 Date of birth
• 2 Early years
• 3 Military coup of 1962
• 4 "Burmese Way to Socialism" (1962-1988)
o 4.1 Economic policies
• 5 Protests
• 6 Resignation
• 7 Military coup of 1988
• 8 Family
• 9 Death
• 10 References
• 11 External links
Date of birth
Ne Win's date of birth is not known with certainty. The English language publication Who's Who in Burma published in 1961 by People's Literature House, Rangoon, stated that Ne Win was born on 24 May 1911. The late Dr. Maung Maung stated in the Burmese version of his book Burma and General Ne Win, also published in English, that Ne Win was born on 14 May 1911. However, in a book written in Burmese entitled The Thirty Comrades, the author Kyaw Nyein gave Ne Win's date of birth as '10 July 1910'.
Kyaw Nyein's date of 1910 can be considered as the more plausible date. First, Kyaw Nyein had access to historical records and he interviewed many surviving members of the Thirty Comrades when he wrote the book in the mid-to late 1990s. (Ne Win was one of the Thirty Comrades who secretly went to undergo military training in Japanese-occupied Hainan Island in the early 1940s for the purpose of fighting for independence from the British. In his book published around 1998 Kyaw Nyein lists the names of the surviving members of the Thirty Comrades whom he had interviewed although Ne Win was not one of them.) Secondly, when Ne Win died on 5 December 2002, the Burmese language newspapers which were allowed to carry a paid obituary stated the age of 'U Ne Win' to be '93 years'. According to Burmese custom a person's age is their age next birthday. Since Ne Win turned 92 in July 2002, when he died in December 2002 he was considered to be 93 years old. Most Western news agencies, based on the May, 1911 birth date, reported that Ne Win was 91 years old but the obituary put up by his family (most probably his children) stated that he was 93 years old, which would be 92 according to the Western way of calculating age.
Early years
Ne Win, given name Shu Maung, was born into an educated Chinese middle class family in Paungdale about 200 miles north of Rangoon. Although Ne Win officially declared his ancestry to be Bamar,[1] there is speculation that he had Chinese roots,[2][3] with ancestry from Meixian.[4] He spent two years at Rangoon University beginning in 1929, and took biology as his main subject with hopes of becoming a doctor. However, he left university and Rangoon in 1931 to become Thakin Shu Maung, a member of the nationalist organisation Dobama Asiayone (We Burmans Association). Other members of the group included Aung San (father of Aung San Suu Kyi) and U Nu. In 1941 Ne Win, as a member of the Ba Sein-Tun Ok (Socialist) faction of the Dobama, was one of thirty young men chosen for military training by the Japanese . Their leader was Aung San and they formed the Burma Independence Army (BIA). During military training at the then Japanese-occupied Hainan Island Shu Maung chose a nom de guerre, Bo Ne Win (Commander Radiant Sun). In early 1942 the Japanese Army and the BIA entered Burma in the wake of the retreating British forces. Ne Win's role in the campaign was to organize resistance behind the British lines.
The experience of the Japanese Occupation in Burma worked to alienate the nationalists as well as the population at large. Toward the end of the Second World War, on 27 March 1945 the Burma National Army (successor to the BIA) turned against the Japanese following the British re-invasion of Burma. Ne Win, as one of the BNA Commanders, was quick to establish links with the British - attending the Kandy conference in Ceylon and taking charge of the anti-Communist operations in the Pyinmana area as commander of the 4th Burma Rifles after the Red Flag Communists and the Communist Party of Burma went underground to fight against the government in October 1946 and on 28 March 1948 respectively. Burma obtained independence on 4 January 1948, and for the first 14 years it had a parliamentary and democratic government mainly under Prime Minister U Nu, but the country was riven with political division. Even before independence, Aung San was assassinated together with six of his cabinet members on 19 July 1947; U Saw, a pre-war prime minister and political rival of Aung San, was found guilty of the crime and executed. U Nu as leader of the Socialists took charge of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) formed by the Communists, Socialists and the BNA in 1945 now that Aung San was dead and the Communists expelled from the AFPFL.
Following independence there were uprisings in the army and amongst ethnic minority groups. In late 1948, after a confrontation between army rivals, Ne Win was appointed second in command of the army and his rival Bo Zeya, a communist commander and fellow member of the Thirty Comrades, took a portion of the army into rebellion. Ne Win immediately adopted a policy of creating Socialist militia battalions called 'Sitwundan' under his personal command with the approval of U Nu. On 31 January 1949, Ne Win was appointed Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces (Tatmadaw) and given total control of the army replacing General Smith Dun, an ethnic Karen. He rebuilt and restructured the armed forces along the ruling Socialist Party's political lines, but the country was still split and the government was ineffective.
Ne Win was asked to serve as interim prime minister from 28 October 1958 by U Nu, when the AFPFL split into two factions and U Nu barely survived a motion of no-confidence against his government in parliament. Ne Win restored order during the period known as the Ne Win caretaker government'.[5] Elections were held in February 1960 and Ne Win handed back power to the victorious U Nu on 4 April 1960.
Military coup of 1962
Less than two years later, on 2 March 1962, Ne Win again seized power in a military coup d'etat. Ne Win became head of state as Chairman of the Revolutionary Council and also Prime Minister.
The coup was characterized as "bloodless" by the world's media, although the former President of Burma Sao Shwe Thaik's young son was shot dead by a soldier, and protests and demonstrations were ruthlessly suppressed. When Rangoon University students staged a peaceful demonstration against "unjust university rules" on 7 July 1962, Ne Win sent his troops to disperse the students. This resulted in about 100 unarmed students being shot and the historic Rangoon University Student Union building - a place of historic significance due to being the centre of anti-colonial struggles[citation needed] - being blown up the next morning.
Shortly afterwards, around 8 p.m. local time, Ne Win addressed the nation in a five minute long radio which concluded in the statement: "if these disturbances were made to challenge us, I have to declare that we will fight sword with sword and spear with spear".[6]
In 1988, 26 years later, Ne Win denied any involvement in dynamiting of the Student Union building, stating that his deputy Brigadier Aung Gyi - who by that time had fallen out with Ne Win and dismissed - had given the order and that he had to take responsibility as a "revolutionary leader" by giving the sword with sword and spear with spear speech.
On 13 July 1962, less than a week after the speech, Ne Win left for Austria, Switzerland and the United Kingdom "for a medical check up".[7] All universities were closed for more than two years until September 1964.
"Burmese Way to Socialism" (1962-1988)
Ne Win instituted a system including elements of extreme nationalism[citation needed], Marxism, and Buddhism[citation needed] - though he himself lacked interest in either ideology or religion - terming this the Burmese Way to Socialism.
Ne Win founded the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), the chairman of which he remained for 26 years from 4 July 1962 until 23 July 1988. On 23 March 1964, a decree banned all other political parties, establishing a one party state.
His government imprisoned political activists and fought ethnic and communist insurgencies with massive military force. Ethnic problems arose mainly in the south-eastern part of the country, where the British had promised the Karen people a separate state or considerable autonomy.
On 2 March 1974 - twelve years after his coup - he disbanded the Revolutionary Council and proclaimed the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma. He had himself elected as President and shortly afterwards appointed Brigadier General Sein Win Prime Minister.
On 9 November 1981, Ne Win resigned as President and was succeeded in that post by General San Yu. However, Ne Win remained leader of the party and thus remained the ultimate political authority until his resignation in 1988.
Economic policies
His government nationalized the economy and pursued a policy of autarky, which involved the economic isolation of his country from the world. The ubiquitous black market and rampant smuggling supplied the needs of the people, while the central government slid slowly into bankruptcy. Autarky also involved expelling foreigners and restricting visits by foreigners to three days, and after 1972, one week. Furthermore, political oppression caused many in the educated workforce to emigrate.
He also took drastic steps regarding the currency: In 1963, he issued a decree that 50 and 100 kyat notes would cease to be legal tender, alleging that they were subject to hoarding by blackmarketeers and also financing of the various insurgencies. Though limited compensation was offered, this wiped out people's savings overnight. At least one insurgency, that of the ethnic Kayan, was triggered by this act.
In September 1987 he ordered the Burmese currency, the kyat, to be issued in denominations of 15, 35, 45, 75 and 90 kyats, besides the existing 5 and 10 kyat notes. He reportedly changed the currency to add up to nine because an astrologer said he would live to 90 if he did this. Ne Win was well known for his penchant numerology and yadaya - cabalistic rituals and spells performed in order to ward off misfortune.
In 1987 After the United Nations had declared Burma a "Least Developed Country" in 1987, Ne Win resigned on 23 July 1988 as chairman of the ruling Burma Socialist Programme Party at the height of the uprising against one-party rule.
Protests
Despite the oppression, sporadic protests against the government continued. Students led protests in 1965, December 1969, December 1970. These demonstrations took place mainly on campuses located in the cities of Rangoon, Mandalay and Moulmein and were often followed by closure of universities and colleges. In June 1974, workers from more than 100 factories throughout the nation participated in a strike, to which h the government reacted by shooting about 100 workers and students on 6 June 1974 at the Thamaing Textile Factory and the Sinmalaik Dock Yard in Rangoon. Since Ne Win was in Australia on an official visit at the time, responsibility for these shootings is unclear. On 5 December 1974, students turned the funeral of former UN Secretary General U Thant into a demonstration, snatching the coffin on display at the Kyaikkasan Race Course and erecting a makeshift mausoleum on the grounds of the former Student Union building in protest against the government for not honouring their famous countryman with a state funeral. The military stormed the campus on 11 December killing some of the students, recovered the coffin and buried U Thant at the foot of the Shwedagon pagoda, next to the tomb of Thakin Kodaw Hmaing.
Students from universities throughout Rangoon demonstrated again in June 1975 in commemoration of the previous year's Labour Strike. Student-led demonstrations also occurred in March 1976, September 1987, March and June 1988. In August and September 1988, these demonstrations turned into a nation-wide uprising against BSPP rule in what is now known as the 'Four Eights Uprising'.
Resignation
At the height of the Four Eights Uprising against the BSSP regime, Ne Win resigned as party chairman on 23 July 1988. During his farewell speech to the BSPP Party Congress, he again resorted to issue warning against potential protestors, stating that if the "disturbances" continued the "Army would have to be called and I would like to declare from here that if the Army shoots it has no tradition of shooting into the air. It would shoot straight to hit."[8] The Tatmadaw troops, which shot, killed and maimed hundreds if not up to 3000 or more demonstrators in various places throughout Burma from the period of 8 August 1988 to 12 August 1988 and again on 18 September 1988 proved that Ne Win's farewell speech was not an empty threat.
Military coup of 1988
On 18 September 1988 the military led by General Saw Maung dispelled any hopes for democracy by brutally crushing the uprisings. It is widely believed that Ne Win, though in apparent retirement, orchestrated the coup from behind the scenes.[9]
For about ten years, Ne Win kept a low profile but remained a shadowy figure exercising at least some influence on the military junta. After 1998, Ne Win's influence on the junta began to wane. On 4 March 2002, an alleged plot to overthrow the junta by Ne Win's son-in-law Aye Zaw Win, the husband of his favorite daughter Sandar Win was exposed. Ne Win and his daughter were put under house arrest and in September Aye Zaw Win and his three sons - Aye Ne Win, Kyaw Ne Win and Zwe Ne Win - was found guilty of treason and sentenced to death. They are thought to remain in custody in Rangoon's Insein Jail.
Family
Ne Win was married five times:
1. He was first married to Tin Tin, who bore him a son, Ngwe Soe.
2. He then married Khin May Than (Katie Ba Than), daughter of Professor Ba Than, the former dean of Rangoon medical school. The couple had two daughters and a son between them, Sandar Win, Kye Mon Win, and Phyo Wai Win. Khin May Than brought three daughters from her first marriage, Le Le Win and twins Thida Win and Thawdar Win, into the family. Khin May Than was Ne Win's favourite wife and her death in 1972 was a heavy blow to him.
3. He then married Ni Ni Myint, a university teacher, whom he divorced.
4. He then married June Rose Bellamy (Yadana Natme), a great granddaughter of Crown Prince Ka Naung.
5. He remarried his former wife Ni Ni Myint.
Death
Still under house arrest, the 92-year-old Ne Win died on 5 December 2002 at his lakeside house in Yangon.[10] The death remained unannounced by Burmese media or the junta. The only mention of Ne Win's death was a paid obituary notice that appeared in some of the government-controlled Burmese language newspapers. Ne Win was not given a state funeral and his former contacts or junior colleagues were strongly discouraged from attending a hastily-arranged funeral, so that only thirty people attended the funeral.
Ne Win’s daughter Sandar Win was temporarily released from house arrest to attend his funeral and cremation. She later dispersed her father's ashes into the Hlaing River
References
1. ^ Tango with China (article located middle of the page)
2. ^ Leong, S.T. (1997). Migration and Ethnicity in Chinese History. Stanford University Press.
3. ^ Mya Maung, "The Burma Road from the Union of Burma to Myanmar". Asian Survey 34 (May 1994).
4. ^ 缅甸华人史概述(1)
5. ^ Nicholas Tarling, ed (1993). The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia. ISBN 0-521-35505-2.
6. ^ The Burmese phrase is "dah go dah gyin, hlan go hlan gyin". Two different English translations of the speech can be read on the front page of the Rangoon Nation and the Rangoon Guardian of 9 July 1962. Part of The Nation’s headline of 9 July 1962 read 'General Ne Win States Give Us Time to Work: Obstructionists are Warned: Will Fight Sword with Sword').
7. ^ News items of Ne Win's trip to these countries for 'medical check up' can be found in The Guardian and The Nation of 14 July 1962
8. ^ The English translation of Ne Win's speech can be found in 24 July 1988 issues of the Rangoon Guardian and The Working People's Daily.
9. ^ Stewart, Whitney (1997). Aung San Suu Kyi: Fearless Voice of Burma. ISBN 0-8225-4931-X.
10. ^ "Former Myanmar President U Ne Win Dies", People's Daily China 5 December 2002. Retrieved on 5 February 2007.
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