25th July,
ညီညြတ္ၾကပါ။စကားကအလြန္္ရုိးရွင္းပါတယ္။ ယင္းစကားကုိ ၂၀ .၇ .၂၀၀၈ ေန႔က သာသနေမာဠိအဖြဲ႕ခြဲ သီရိလကၤာေရာက္ျမန္မာေက်ာင္းသားရဟန္းေတာ္မ်ား အဖြဲ႔ (MSMA)ႏွင့္ NCGUB မွအမတ္တဦးတုိ႔ ေတြ႔ဆုံႏွီးေႏွာဖလွယ္ပြဲတြင္ MSMA တြဲဖက္ အတြင္းေရးမႈးဆရာေတာ္မွ မိန္္႔ၾကားခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ယင္းအစည္းအေ၀းတြင္ ဆရာေတာ္က “ႏုိင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြအားလုံးညီညြတ္ၾကပါ။ အခ်င္းခ်င္း ညီညြတ္ၾကမယ္ဆုိရင္ အားလုံးက၀ုိင္းညြတ္လာပါလိမ့္မယ္။’’ ဟု ရုိးရွင္းစြာအသိေပး စကားမိန္႔ၾကားခဲ့ပါသည္။ စကားလုံး အေရအတြက္အားျဖင့္” ညီညြတ္ ’’ ဟု ႏွစ္လုံး တည္းျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း စကားလုံးခြန္အားကား အလြန္ပင္ေလးနက္လွ၏။
ကြ်ဳန္ဳပ္တုိ႔အမိျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ႀကီးဟာ လြတ္လပ္မႈကုိလုယူဖ်က္ဆီးခံေနရတာနဲ႔ အလြန္အက်ည္းတန္ရုပ္ဆုိးလွပါၿပီ။ အဂၤလိပ္ကုိလုိနီေခတ္မွာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း(၁၀၀)ေက်ာ္ ဖ်က္ဆီးခံခဲ့ရၿပီ။ သူတုိ႔ဆီကလြတ္လပ္မႈကို အသက္ ၊ေသြး ၊ ေခြ်းေတြနဲ႔ လွယ္လဲၿပီး ရလာတဲ့ လြတ္လပ္ေရးၾကျပန္ေတာ့လည္း အိပ္မက္လုိ ျပည္သူေတြခံစားခဲ့ၾကရတယ္။ အဲ့ဒီေနာက္ မဆလအစုိးရ လုယူဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ့တာက ႏွစ္ေပါင္း(၄၀)ေက်ာ္ ။ယခု န.အ.ဖ အစိုးရက ႏွစ္(၂၀)ေက်ာ္လာၿပီ။ ယေန႔အထိ လြတ္လပ္မႈကုိ အဓမၼက်င့္ခံေနရဆဲ။ မဆလ ေခတ္ ႏွစ္္(၂၆)ေက်ာ္အတြင္း ေတာ္လွန္ေရးစာမ်က္ႏွာေတြကုိ က်ြဴနဳ္ပ္မမွီ လုိက္၍ခဏပိတ္ထားခဲ့ပါမည္။ မ်က္ေမွာက္ေခတ္မွာ န.အ.ဖ ကုိေတာ္လွန္ေနတာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း(၂၀)ေက်ာ္လာၿပီ။ ၄င္းကာလတြင္း ေတာ္လွန္ေရးစာမ်က္ႏွာမွာ အဓိက (ျပည္ပ)ႏွုိင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြ မ်ားစြာေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့၏။ ယင္းအဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကာလအတြင္း ေတြ႕ႀကံဳခဲ့ရတဲ့ ဗဟုသုတေတြ၊ အားနည္းခ်က္ အားသာခ်က္ေတြဟာ အလြန္ပင္မ်ားမည္ထင္ပါ၏။ ယင္းသုိ႔ႀကံဳေတြ႔ရတဲ့ ဗဟုသုတေတြ အားနည္းခ်က္ အားသာခ်က္ေတြကုိ ျပဳျပင္စုရုံး၍ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး တုိက္ပြဲကုိ အဘယ့္ေၾကာင့္ ထိေရာက္စြာအသုံးမခ်ႏုိင္ခဲ့ၾကပါနည္း။ အေျဖက “ေၾကာင့္” ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာျဖစ္ေကာင္း ျဖစ္မည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ (၂၀)ရက္ေန႔အစည္းအေ၀းမွာ NCGUB မွ အမတ္တစ္ဦးေျပာသြားတဲ့ စကားထဲမွာ အေျဖကထင္းရွားလြန္းပါတယ္။ ၄င္းအမတ္က “တပည္႔ေတာ္တုိ႔ႏုိင္ငံေရး အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း (၂၀)လုံး မညီညြတ္ခဲ့ၾကဘူး ဘုရား ” တဲ့ ။
မညီညြတ္လုိ႔မေအာင္ျမင္ဘူးဆုိတာထင္ရွားပါတယ္။ အလ်ဥ္းသင့္လုိ႔ ဒီေနရာမွာေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္ပမွာနိုင္ငံေရးလုပ္ရွားေနတာႏွစ္(၂၀)ေက်ာ္ၿပီ ခြန္အား သိပ္မရွိဘူး။ ခြန္အား အေကာင္းဆုံးဟာျပည္တြင္းမွာရွိတယ္ဆုိတာ ယင္းအမတ္ရဲ႕ စကားအရ အသိေပးရာ ေရာက္ပါတယ္။ ၄င္းအမတ္က ဆက္ၿပီး “၂၀၀၇ စက္တင္ဘာ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ေနာက္ပုိင္း ရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္ေတြရဲ႕ ဦးေဆာင္မႈ အခန္း က႑ပါ၀င္လာမွ နိဳင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြ ညီညြတ္သင့္သေလာက္ညီညြတ္ လာေၾကာင္း ” သံဃာေတာ္ေတြရဲ႕ဦးေဆာင္မႈအခန္းက႑ကုိ မီးေမာင္းထုိးေျပာဆုိ ေဆြးေႏြးသြားပါတယ္။ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းအားလုံး ႏွစ္(၂၀)ေက်ာ္ကာလအတြင္း မညီမညြတ္ ျဖစ္ခဲ့မႈေတြဟာ အဘယ့္ေၾကာင့္ အခုသံဃာေတာ္ေတြ ဦးေဆာင္မႈရွိလာမွ ညီညြတ္စျပဳလာရတာလဲ။ ဒါဟာေမးစရာေမးခြန္းတစ္ခုပါ။ ကြ်ဳႏု္ပ္ရုိးရုိးေလးေျဖၾကည့္စမ္းခ်င္ပါဘိ။” ႏုိင္ငံေရးေၾကာင့္ အသက္ရွင္သန္သူေတြ မ်ားလြန္းလုိ႕” ဟု ေျဖခ်င္ပါသည္။ အႏူးအညြတ္ ေတာင္းပန္တုိက္တြန္းပါတယ္။ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအားလုံးရွိ ပုဂၢဳိလ္အားလုံး ႏုိင္ငံေရးေၾကာင့္ အသက္မရွင္သန္ဘဲ အသက္ရွင္သန္ေနတုန္း မိမိႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အတြက္ နဳိင္ငံအေရးကုိ ညီညီညြတ္ညြတ္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ၾကပါ လုိ႕တုိက္တြန္းခ်င္ပါတယ္။
နဳိင္ငံေရးဆုိတာ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ရဲ႕အေရးကိစၥပါ။ နိဳင္ငံႏွင့္လူမ်ဳိးဆုိတာ ကင္းလုိ႔ရေသာအရာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ အဲ့ဒီနိဳင္ငံမွာ မွီတင္းေနထုိင္ေနၾကတဲ့ နဳိင္ငံသားျပည္သူအားလုံးအေပၚ တာ၀န္ရွိပါတယ္။”တာ၀န္သိရင္ တာ၀န္ရွိတယ္” ဆုိတဲ့ မင္းကြန္းတိပိဋကဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးရဲ႕ၾသ၀ါဒအတုိင္း ကုိယ့္ႏုိင္ငံအေရးမွာ တာ၀န္သိသူတုိင္း တာ၀န္ရွိွရွိလုပ္ေဆာင္ႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ အမိနိုင္ငံေတာ္ လြတ္လပ္ဖုိ႕ ေဆာင္ရြတ္တဲ့ေနရာမွာ (သုိ႔) နုိင္ငံေရးအလုပ္ကုိေဆာင္ရြတ္တဲ့ေနရာမွာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း တစ္ခုခုအေပၚမွာသာ မူတည္ၿပီးလုပ္လုိ႔ရႏုိင္တဲ့ အလုပ္မ်ဳိးမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ မိမိက်ေရာက္တဲ့ေနရာမွာ မိမိက်ရာအခန္းက႑က ပါ၀င္ၿပီးေဆာင္ရြတ္ႏုိင္ဖုိ႕က ပုိၿပီးအေရးႀကီးပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီး ႏုိင္ငံေရးအလုပ္ဆုိတာ အေျခအေနရ လုပ္ေဆာင္ ရတဲ့အလုပ္မ်ဳိးလည္း မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ မိမိမွီခုိတဲ့ မိမိႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အေရးကိစၥကုိ နုိင္ငံသားတစ္ေယာက္ အေနနဲ႔ မျဖစ္မေနေဆာင္ရြတ္လုပ္ေဆာင္ရမည့္ အေရးကိစၥပါ။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ နိဂုံးခ်ဳပ္အေနနဲ႔ တုိက္တြန္းပါရေစ။ အုိ…ဓမၼဘက္မွရပ္တည္ၾကေသာ၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကုိတန္ဘုိးထားၾကေသာ ၊တုိင္းျပည္ကုိ ခ်စ္ျမတ္ႏုိးၾကေသာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႔အစည္း အသီးသီးမွ ပုဂၢဳိလ္အေပါင္းတုိ႔ “ညီညြတ္” ၾကပါ။“ညီ” လွ်င္ သင္တုိ႔အေပၚ ျပည္သူအေပါင္းတုိ႔က” ညြတ္” လာပါလိမ့္မည္။ ဖြဲ႔အစည္းအားလုံး ညီညြတ္ၾကလွ်င္္ အားလုံးေမွ်ာ္မွန္းထားတဲ့ လြတ္လပ္ေရးပန္းတုိင္ဆီသုိ႔ အေရာက္လွမ္း ႏုိင္မည္ျဖစ္သတည္း ။ သုိ႔မဟုတ္လွ်င္………။
ထုဆစ္ (MSMA)
From MSMA,
Friday, July 25, 2008
သို႔မဟုတ္လွ်င္
Thursday, July 10, 2008
သာသနာႏွင့္ႏိုင္ငံေရး (၃)
10th July,
ျပည္ခ်စ္ဘုန္းဘုန္း (MSMA)
သာသနာနဲ႔ႏိုင္ငံေရးဆိုတဲ့ ေခါင္းစဥ္နဲ႔ပတ္သတ္တဲ့ အေၾကာင္းအရာကို စာေရးသူ တင္ျပခဲ့ ရာမွာ ပထမဆံုး စာေရးသူရဲ႕အျမင္နဲ႔ စတင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒုတိယပိုင္းမွာေတာ့ ကိုလိုနီေခတ္ရဟန္း ေတာ္မ်ား ႏိုင္ငံေရးနဲ႔ပတ္သတ္ၿပီး ၀င္ေရာက္လုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့တာေတြကို တင္ျပခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ခု အပိုင္း သံုးမွာေတာ့ ဘုရားေဟာ က်မ္းဂန္အခ်ိဳ႕ကို ေထာက္ျပၿပီး ဗုဒၶအျမင္အရ ႏိုင္ငံေရးဆိုတာ လူသားထု တစ္ရပ္လံုးအေရး၊ ကမၻာသူကမၻာသား သတၱ၀ါအမ်ား ေကာင္းစားေရးသာ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းကို ေလ့လာ တင္ျပသြားပါမယ္။ ၿပီးရင္ တိုက္တြန္းစကားေလး ေျပာမယ္။
ေလာကအက်ိဳး သယ္ပိုးေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္းနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံ့အေရး ေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္းဆိုတာကို ခြဲျခားလို႔ မရ ပါဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းမွာ တရားမွ်တမႈေတြ ဆိတ္သုဥ္းေနရင္၊ အျခားေကာင္းရာမြန္ရာေတြကို ေဆာင္ ရြက္ဖို႔ အခြင့္အလမ္းေတြလဲ ဆိတ္သုဥ္းဖို႔ အေျခအေနေတြ ျဖစ္လာပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံတစ္ခုအတြင္း အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူေတြ ညံ့ဖ်င္းေနရင္ ေကာင္းမြန္မႈမရွိရင္ တိုင္းျပည္ဟာ မၿငိမ္ သက္ႏိုင္ပါဘူး။ ဆူပူမႈေတြ၊ ေသာင္းက်န္းမႈေတြ၊ ဆႏၵျပမႈေတြ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒီလို အေျခ အေနေတြကို ဗုဒၶဘာသာအျမင္အရ ကိုယ္နဲ႔မဆိုင္သလို ေနသြားသင့္သလား။ ဘယ္လို ကိုင္တြယ္ ေျဖရွင္းသင့္သလဲ။
“တိုင္းျပည္တြင္း အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူနဲ႔ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခံလူတန္းစားေတြ ဘယ္လိုပဲျဖစ္ေနေန ငါတို႔ ဗုဒၶ ဘာသာဟာ ေလာကမွ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေၾကာင္းကိုသာ လုပ္ရမယ္။ ဒီလို တိုင္းေရးျပည္ေရး (ေလာကီ ေရး)ကိစၥေတြကို ၀င္ေရာက္မစြတ္ဖက္သင့္ဘူး”။ အဲဒီလုိ ေျပာေနၾကတာဟာ ဗုဒၶအျမင္နဲ႔ ကိုက္ညီမႈ ရွိသလား၊ မရွိဘူးလားဆိုတာကို ဒီေဆာင္းပါး ဖတ္ရင္းနဲ႔ သေဘာေပါက္သြားၾကမယ္လို႔ ယူဆတယ္။
ဗုဒၶဘာသာအျမင္အရ ႏိုင္ငံေရးနဲ႔ပတ္သက္တဲ့ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္မႈဟာ စာရိတၱမ႑ိဳင္တည္ေဆာက္ ေရးနဲ႔ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ စြမ္းရည္ကို (လူထုအားကို) တာ၀န္ရွိရွိ အသံုးျပဳျခင္းပါပဲ။ ျမတ္စြာဘုရားဟာ အၾကမ္းမဖက္ျခင္းဆိုတဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို ကမၻာလံုးဆိုင္ရာ သူ႕ရဲ႕ အဓိကမက္ေဆ့အေနနဲ႔ ေဟာ ၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ျမတ္ဗုဒၶဟာ သတၱ၀ါေတြရဲ႕အသက္အိုးအိမ္စည္းစိမ္ကို ဖ်က္ဆီးျခင္း၊ အၾကမ္းဖက္ျခင္း ကို သေဘာမတူပါဘူး။
ျမတ္ဗုဒၶအလိုအရ “တရားမွ်တတဲ့စစ္ပြဲဆိုတာ မရွိပါဘူး”။ “ေအာင္ပြဲရသူဟာ အမုန္းတရားကို ေမြးထုတ္ေပးတယ္။ ရႈံးနိမ့္သူေတြဟာ ဒုကၡသုကၡေတြနဲ႔ အသက္ရွင္ေနထိုင္ၾကရတယ္”။ ျမတ္ဗုဒၶ အျမင္အရ ရႈံးနိမ့္မႈ၊ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈ ႏွစ္ဘက္လံုးကို စြန္႔လႊတ္ႏိုင္စြမ္းရွိတဲ့သူသာ ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသူ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။
ျမတ္ဗုဒၶဟာ အၾကမ္းမဖက္မႈနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို ေဟာၾကားရံုတင္မကပါဘူး။ ျဖစ္လုဆဲဆဲ ေသြးေခ်ာင္းစီးတိုက္ပြဲတစ္ခုကို ကာကြယ္ဖို႔ စစ္ေျမျပင္ကို ကိုယ္တိုင္သြားေရာက္ခဲ့တဲ့ ပထမဆံုးနဲ႔ တစ္ဦးတည္းေသာ ဘာသာေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီးလဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒါကေတာ့ သက်နဲ႔ေကာလိယႏွစ္ ျပည္ေထာင္ရဲ႕ ေရာဟိနီျမစ္ေရလုပြဲမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီပြဲမွာ ႏွစ္ျပည္ေထာင္စစ္သည္ေတြရဲ႕ လက္ နက္ေတြကိုခ်ေစၿပီး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို တည္ေဆာက္ေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ေနာက္ၿပီး အဇာတသတ္မင္းရဲ႕ ၀ဇၹီတိုင္းကို တိုက္ခိုက္မယ့္ အစီအစဥ္ကိုလဲ အေကာင္အထည္ မေပၚေအာင္ တားဆီးေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ေနာက္ၿပီး ျမတ္ဗုဒၶဟာ အစိုးရေကာင္းတစ္ခုရဲ႕ ကနဦးလိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ား၊ အေရးပါမႈမ်ားကိုလဲ ေဆြးေႏြးေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူအစိုးရထိပ္သီးပိုင္းမွာ ယိုယြင္းျခစားေနရင္၊ တရားမွ်တမႈေတြ ဆိတ္သုဥ္းေနရင္ တိုင္းျပည္ဟာ ဆုတ္ယုတ္ပ်က္စီးျခင္း၊ အက်င့္ပ်က္ျခစားျခင္းေတြ တိုးပြားလာပါ လိမ့္မယ္။ ဒါဆိုရင္ တိုင္းသူျပည္သားေတြဟာ စိတ္မခ်မ္းေျမ့ ျဖစ္ၾကရေၾကာင္း မီးေမာင္းထိုးျပပါတယ္။ အက်င့္ပ်က္ျခစားမႈေတြကို ဆန္႔က်င္ေၾကာင္း အၿမဲေဟာၾကားေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။
ဒါ့အျပင္ လူသားခ်င္း စာနာေထာက္ထားတဲ့ လူက်င့္၀တ္စည္းကမ္းေတြအေပၚမွာ အေျခခံၿပီး အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သင့္ေၾကာင္းကိုလဲ မိန္႔ၾကားထားခဲ့ပါတယ္။
တစ္ခါတုန္းက ျမတ္ဗုဒၶက “တိုင္းျပည္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူက တရားမွ်တရင္၊ ေကာင္းမြန္ရင္ မွဴးၾကီး မတ္ရာ(၀န္ၾကီး)ေတြ တရားမွ်တလာလိမ့္မယ္၊ မွဴးၾကီးမတ္ရာ(၀န္ၾကီး)ေတြ တရားမွ်တရင္၊ ေကာင္း မြန္ရင္ အထက္တန္းရာထူးရွိသူေတြ တရားမွ်တလာလိမ့္မယ္၊ အထက္တန္းရာထူးရွိသူေတြ တရားမွ် တရင္၊ ေကာင္းမြန္ရင္ သာမန္၀န္ထမ္းေတြ တရားမွ်တလာလိမ့္မယ္၊ ၀န္ထမ္းေတြ တရားမွ်တရင္၊ ေကာင္းမြန္ရင္ တိုင္းသူျပည္သားေတြ တရားမွ်တလာလိမ့္မယ္”လို႔ မိန္႔ၾကားထားပါတယ္။
အထက္ပါ ေဟာၾကားခ်က္ကို ၾကည့္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာဟာ တိုင္းျပည္အေရးနဲ႔ ျပဒါး တစ္လမ္းသံတစ္လမ္း မဟုတ္ဘူးဆိုတာကို နားလည္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ႏိုင့္အေရး သို႔မဟုတ္ တိုင္းေရး ျပည္ေရး တည္ၿငိမ္မႈကို တရားမွ်တမႈနဲ႔ တိုင္းတာလို႔ ရပါတယ္။
တရားမွ်တမႈ+တည္ၿငိမ္မႈ။
တရာမမွ်တမႈ+မတည္ၿငိမ္မႈ။
ဒီႏွစ္ခုဟာ ဘယ္လိုမွ ခြဲျခားေတြးေတာလို႔ မရပါဘူး။ ဒီဘက္ႏွစ္ဘက္ကို ေျပာင္းျပန္လဲ တြဲစပ္လို႔ မရပါ ဘူး။ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူဟာ တရားမွ်တမႈေတာ့ မရွိဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ တည္ၿငိမ္မႈကိုေတာ့ လိုခ်င္တယ္။ ဒါဆိုရင္ အဆိုပါ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူဟာ သဘာ၀ကို ဆန္႔က်င္ေနတာပဲ။ ေနာက္ၿပီး ေဘးကေန အကဲခတ္သူေတြ ဟာလဲ ဒီ စံႏွစ္ခုနဲ႔ အစိုးရစနစ္တစ္ခု ေကာင္း၊ မေကာင္းကို အကဲျဖတ္လို႔ ရပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံတစ္ႏိုင္ငံ ဟာ တည္ၿငိမ္မႈ မရွိဘူး။ လူထုက အၿမဲလိုလို ဆႏၵေတြ ျပေနၾကတယ္။ ဒါဆိုရင္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူေတြဟာ တရားမွ်တမႈမရွိဘူး သို႔မဟုတ္ လိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြရွိေနတယ္လို႔ ေကာက္ခ်က္ဆြဲလို႔ ရပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာရဲ႕ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအျမင္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
တစ္ဖန္ စကၠ၀တၱိသီဟနာဒသုတ္မွာလဲ “တိုင္းျပည္မွာ မွားယြင္းေဖာက္ျပန္မႈေတြ၊ အၾကမ္း ဖက္မႈေတြ၊ အမုန္းအာဃာတတရားေတြ၊ ရက္စက္ၾကမ္းၾကဳတ္မႈေတြ စတဲ့ စာရိတၱမ႑ိဳင္ၿပိဳလဲမႈ ေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္လာရတဲ့ ရာဇ၀တ္မႈေတြအားလံုးဟာ ဆင္းရဲျခင္းကေန ျဖစ္ေပၚလာရျခင္း ျဖစ္တယ္၊ တိုင္းျပည္အတြင္းမွာ အဲဒီလို ျဖစ္လာခဲ့ရင္ ဘုရင္ (သို႔မဟုတ္) အစိုးရဟာ ထိုက္သင့္တဲ့အျပစ္ဒဏ္ ေပးၿပီး ဖိႏွိပ္ရပါတယ္၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဆိုပါ မႈခင္းေတြကို အၾကမ္းဖက္တဲ့နည္းနဲ႔ သုတ္သင္ဖယ္ရွား ၿပီဆိုုရင္ေတာ့ ဒါဟာ အက်ိဳးမဲ့ ေျဖရွင္းနည္းပါပဲ၊ ဆင္းရဲလို႔ ျဖစ္လာရတဲ့ ျပႆနာကို ဆင္းရဲကို ေဖ်ာက္ေပးတဲ့နည္း (သို႔မဟုတ္) ဆင္းရဲမႈပေပ်ာက္ေစမယ့္နည္းကို အသံုးျပဳမွသာလွ်င္ မွန္ကန္တဲ့ ေျဖ ရွင္းနည္း မည္ပါတယ္”လို႔ မိန္႔ၾကားထားပါတယ္။
ကူဋဒႏၱသုတ္မွာလဲပဲ တိုင္းျပည္အတြင္း ဆူပူမႈေတြ (ဆႏၵျပမႈေတြ)၊ အမႈအခင္းေတြ ေလ်ာ့ နည္းၿပီး ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ေအးခ်မ္းမႈေတြ ျဖစ္ေစခ်င္တဲ့အစိုးရဟာ အၾကမ္းဖက္ၿဖိဳခြင္းမယ့္နည္းအစား ျပည္သူ ေတြရဲ႕ စား၀တ္ေနေရးကို တိုးတက္ေအာင္ ျပဳေပးျခင္းအားျဖင့္ ေျဖရွင္းဖို႔ မိန္႔ၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အစိုးရဟာ တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕သယံဇာတေတြကို တိုင္းျပည္စီးပြားေရး တိုးတက္ရာ တိုးတက္ေၾကာင္း အတြက္သာ အသံုးျပဳသင့္ေၾကာင္း၊ အလုပ္အကိုင္မ်ား ရွာေဖြေပးၿပီး လူသားတစ္ေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ ဂုဏ္ သိကၡာရွိတဲ့ဲ့ သက္ေတာင့္သက္သာဘ၀တစ္ခု ျဖစ္ေစဖို႔အတြက္ သင့္ေတာ္မွ်တတဲ့ လစာမ်ားေပးဖို႔လဲ အၾကံေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဒီစာကို ေရးေနရင္းနဲ႔ စာေရးသူ ေတြးျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျမတ္ဗုဒၶအေပၚမွာလဲ ၾကည္ညိဳၿပီးရင္း ၾကည္ညိဳ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ရတယ္။ ဒီလို တိုင္းျပည္ၿငိမ္သက္ေအးခ်မ္းေရးတရားေတြဟာ ဒီကေန႔ေခတ္အထိ အသံုးတည့္ေနဆဲပဲ။ မွန္ကန္တဲ့ လမ္းညႊန္မႈေတြ ေပးေနဆဲပဲဆိုတာကို သိလိုက္ရတယ္။ ေတြးရင္း ေတြးရင္းနဲ႔ ၀မ္းနည္းစိတ္နဲ႔ မ်က္ရည္ေတြ စို႔ရျပန္တယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုေတာ့ ဒီတရားေတာ္ေတြ ထြန္းကားတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ စာေရးသူတို႔ႏိုင္ငံဟာ ခုခ်ိန္ထိ ျမတ္ဗုဒၶရဲ႕ အထက္ပါ လမ္းညႊန္ခ်က္မ်ားနဲ႔အညီ က်င့္သံုးတဲ့ အစိုးရ မေပၚေပါက္ေသးလို႔ပါပဲ။
ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ေလးဆယ္ေက်ာ္လို႔ ငါးဆယ္နီးေနၿပီ။ ဗုဒၶဘာသာအစိုးရဟာ ဗုဒၶကို ဥေပကၡာခဲ့ တယ္။ ဗုဒၶလမ္းစဥ္ကို တိမ္ေကာေအာင္ လုပ္ေနခဲ့တယ္။ ဗုဒၶအေတြးအေခၚေတြကို ေသြဖည္ေနခဲ့ တယ္။ ဗုဒၶျမတ္စြာက “တိုင္းျပည္မွာ ဆူပူမႈေတြ ျဖစ္ေနရင္ အၾကမ္းမဖက္ပါနဲ႔၊ ဆူပူရျခင္းအေၾကာင္းကို ရွာၿပီး ေအးခ်မ္းေအာင္ ေျဖရွင္းပါ”လို႔ မိန္႔ထားတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ စာေရးသူတို႔ ႏုိင္ငံမွာ ……………….။
အစိုးရဟာ ကိုယ္တိုင္ေတာ့ ေကာင္းေအာင္မေနဘူး။ ေကာင္းေအာင္မလုပ္ဘူး။ တရားမွ် တမႈနဲ႔ လူအခြင့္အေရးေတြကို ဂရုမစိုက္ဘူး။ တိုင္းသူျပည္သားေတြကိုေတာ့ “ၿငိမ္၀ပ္ပိျပားေရး”တဲ့။ ေသနတ္နဲ႔ပစ္။ ေထာင္ခ်။ နည္းအမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးနဲ႔ ညွင္းပန္းႏွိပ္စက္။
စာေရးသူကို တိုက္တြန္းခြင့္ျပဳပါ။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသူ၊ ႏိုင္ငံသားအေပါင္းတို႔…..ျပည္ပကို ေရာက္ေန သူမ်ားျဖစ္ေစ၊ ျပည္တြင္းမွာ ေနထိုင္သူမ်ားျဖစ္ေစ၊ ဒီအာဏာရွင္ေတြကို ဆန္႔က်င္ၾကပါ။ မင္းေလာင္း ေမွ်ာ္မေနၾကပါနဲ႔။ တစ္ပိုင္တစ္ႏိုင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို လူတုိင္း လုပ္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။
သူရဲေကာင္းေတြလဲ ေထာင္ ထဲမွာ ေရာက္ေနၾကရၿပီ။ ႏွိပ္စက္ခံေနၾကရၿပီ။ “အေသ၀နာ စ ဗာလာနံ=လူဆိုးလူမိုက္ေတြကို မမွီ၀ဲ မဆည္းကပ္ျခင္းဟာ မဂၤလာရွိတယ္”ဆိုတဲ့ မဂၤလာတရားေတာ္ နဲ႔အညီ က်င့္သံုးေနထိုင္ၾကပါ။ ဗုဒၶဘာသာအမည္ခံၿပီး “ေသ၀နာ စ ဗာလာနံ” လူဆိုးလူမိုက္ေတြကို မွီ၀ဲဆည္းကပ္ေနရင္ေတာ့ ဗုဒၶဘာသာျဖစ္လာရတာ ဘာအက်ိဳးရွိလိမ့္မလဲ။
မတရားမႈေတြ က်ဆံုးဖို႔ အခ်ိန္ဟာ နီးကပ္လာခဲ့ၿပီ။ အေၾကာက္တရားေတြ စြန္႔လိုက္ေတာ့။ သမၼာက်မ္းစာစကားေလးနဲ႔ ေျပာပါရေစ။ “ေနာင္တရၾကေလာ့၊ ေကာင္းကင္ႏိုင္ငံ တည္လုၿပီ”။ ျမန္မာ ႏုိင္ငံအေရးေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသူေတြလဲ ေနာင္တရၾကပါေတာ့။ သင္တို႔ရဲ႕ ျပန္႔ကားသြားခဲ့တဲ့ လက္ေတြ ျပန္စုစည္းလိုက္ၾကပါ။ ညီညႊတ္ၾကပါ။ အမိျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ သင္တို႔ရဲ႕ ညီညႊတ္မႈကို ေစာင့္လို႔ေနခဲ့ၿပီ။
သင္ဟာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာတစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္လို႔ တရားမွ်တမႈထြန္းကားဖို႔ လုပ္ေဆာင္သူေတြ ေထာင္ နန္းစံေနရတာကို ၾကည့္ရတာ အရသာေတြ႕ေနသလား။ အမွန္တရားအတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ေနသူေတြ ဒုကၡေရာက္ေနၾကရတာကို လက္ခုပ္တီးေနသလား။ ေနာင္ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာထိ ထင္ရာစိုင္း ရမ္းကားမႈ ေတြကို ဒီလိုပဲ ဆက္လက္ စီးဆင္းေစမွာလား။ အေျဖက သင့္ရင္ဘက္ထဲမွာ…….။
ျပည္ခ်စ္ဘုန္းဘုန္း (MSMA)
Ref: Buddhism and Politics
by K Sri. Dhammananda
10, 07, 2008
Wednesday, July 2, 2008
ကမာၻ႔လူဦးေရအား ခ်ဳံ႕ၾကည့္ျခင္း
3rd July,
အေမရိကန္ Stanford University ရဲ႕ ေဆးဝါးသုေတသနငွာနက မစၥတာ Phillip Marterဟာ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏွစ္ဝက္က ဖိုရမ္တစ္ခုမွာ ပို႔စ္တစ္ခုကို တင္ခဲ့တယ္။ ပို႔စ္ရဲ႕အေၾကာင္းရင္းက ကမာၻေပၚ ရွိသမွ်လူဦးေရကို ၁ဝဝေယာက္လို႔ သတ္မွတ္ျပီး အဲဒီအေရအတြက္နဲ႔ လူေတြကို အခ်ဳိးခ်ၾကည့္တာပဲျဖစ္တယ္။
၁) အာ႐ွလူမ်ဳိး ၅၇ ေယာက္၊ ဥေရာပလူမ်ဳိး ၂၁ ေယာက္၊ အေမရိကားလူမ်ဳိး ၁၄ ေယာက္၊ အာဖရိကလူမ်ဳိး၈ေယာက္
၂) ေယာက်ာ္းေလး ၅၂ ေယာက္၊ မိန္းကေလး ၄၈ ေယာက္
၃) လူျဖဴအေယာက္ ၃ဝ၊ တစ္ျခားအေရာင္ ၇ဝေယာက္
၄) ခရစ္ယာန္ ကိုးကြယ္သူ ၃ဝ ေယာက္၊ အျခားဘာသာကိုးကြယ္သူ ၇ဝ ေယာက္
၅) လိင္ကဲြခ်စ္ၾကိဳက္သူ ၈၉ ေယာက္၊ လိင္တူခ်စ္ၾကိဳက္သူ ၁၁ ေယာက္
၆) ၅၉% ရွိတဲ့ ပစၥည္းဥစၥာပိုင္ဆိုင္သူ ၆ေယာက္၊ အဲဒီ ၆ေယာက္လံုးက အေမရိကားသားေတြျဖစ္တယ္။
၇) ထင္သလို ျဖစ္မလာတဲ့ အိမ္ေထာင္ေရး အေယာက္ ၈ဝ
၈) စာမတတ္သူ ၇ဝ ေယာက္
၉) အာဟာရ မျပည့္ဝသူ ၅ဝေယာက္
၁ဝ) ေသခါနီးဆဲဆဲ ၁ေယာက္၊ ေမြးဖြားနီးဆဲဆဲ ၁ ေယာက္
၁၁) ဘဲြ႔ရသူ ၁ေယာက္
၁၂) ကြန္ျပဴတာ ပိုင္ဆိုင္သူ ၁ေယာက္
ခ်ဳံ႕လိုက္တဲ့ လူဦးေရ႐ူေထာင့္ကေန ကမာၻၾကီးကို ၾကည့္မယ္ဆိုရင္ ဒီကမာၻၾကီးမွာ နားလည္လက္ခံျခင္း၊ ခြင့္လြတ္ျခင္းနဲ႔ သင္ၾကားမႈေတြ လိုေၾကာင္းကို ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ႐ွင္း႐ွင္းလင္းလင္း ေတြ႔ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ပိုျပီး ရွင္းလင္းစြာ ေတြ႔ႏိုင္တာက....
အကယ္၍ သင္ဟာ မနက္ေစာေစာမွာ က်န္းက်န္းမာမာနဲ႔ ထလာႏိုင္ေသးတယ္ဆိုရင္ သင့္အစား ဝမ္းသာပါတယ္။ လူဦးေရ ၁ဝသိန္းဟာ တစ္ပတ္ေတာင္ အသက္မ႐ွင္ႏိုင္ခဲ့လို႔ပါပဲ။
အကယ္၍ သင္ဟာ စစ္ပဲြအႏၱရာယ္ေတြ မၾကံဳဖူးေသးဘူး၊ ေထာင္ရဲ႕ အထီးက်န္တဲ့အရသာ၊ ႏိုင္လိုညႇင္းဆဲ နာက်င္မႈ၊ ဆာေလာင္မႈေတြကို မခံစားခဲ့ဖူးဘူးဆိုရင္ သင့္အစား ဝမ္းသာပါတယ္။ လူဦးေရ သန္း၅ဝဝ ထက္ သင္ဟာ ကံေကာင္းတဲ့သူ ျဖစ္ခဲ့လို႔ပါပဲ။
အကယ္၍ သင္ဟာ ဘာသာေရးပဲြေတာ္ေတြမွာ အေႏွာင့္အယွက္ခံဖို႔ စိတ္မပူခဲ့ဘူး၊ အဖမ္းခံ မထိခဲ့ဖူးဘူး၊ မေသခဲ့ဘူးဆိုရင္ သင့္အစား ဝမ္းသာပါတယ္။ လူဦးေရ သန္း၃ဝဝဝထက္ သင္ဟာလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ရေနလို႔ပါပဲ။
အကယ္၍ သင့္ေရခဲေသတၱာထဲမွာ စားစရာေတြရွိတယ္၊ ဝတ္ဖို႔အဝတ္အစားေတြ ရွိတယ္၊ ေနစရာ အိမ္ရွိတယ္ဆိုရင္ သင့္အစား ဝမ္းသာပါတယ္။ သင္ဟာ ကမာၻေပၚရွိလူဦးေရ ၇၅%ထက္ခ်မ္းသာေနလို႔ပါပဲ။
အကယ္၍ သင့္မွာ ေငြစုစာအုပ္ရွိတယ္၊ အိတ္ထဲမွာ ပိုက္ဆံရွိတယ္၊ အေၾကြေတြရွိတယ္ဆိုရင္ သင့္အစား ဝမ္းသာပါတယ္။ သင္ဟာ ကမာၻ႔လူဦးေရ ၈% ထဲ လူခ်မ္းသာ စာရင္းဝင္ေနလို႔ပါပဲ။
အကယ္၍ သင့္မိဘေတြ သက္ရွိထင္ရွားရွိေသးတယ္၊ သင္ဟာ မိဘစံုလင္နဲ႔ ေနထိုင္သူျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုရင္သင္ဟာကံေကာင္းသူပါ။
အခုဒီစာကို သင္ဖတ္ေနတယ္ဆိုရင္ သူဟာ ကံေကာင္းသူ ႏွစ္ထပ္ကြမ္းပါ။ လူဦးေရ သန္း၂ဝဝဝဟာစာမဖတ္တတ္လို႔ပါပဲ။
အလုပ္အတြက္ စိုးရိမ္ေၾကာင့္ၾကေနစရာ မလိုဘူး။ ေငြေၾကးမျပည့္စံုမွာ စိုးရိမ္ေသာက ျဖစ္ေနစရာ မလိုဘူး။ ထိခိုက္နာက်င္ခဲ့ဖူးပါေစ လူေတြကို အၾကင္နာေတြ ျဖန္႔ပါ။ စိတ္ကို ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ေအာင္ ထားပါ။ ဘယ္သူဘာေျပာေျပာ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းတဲ့ သံစဥ္ကို ဟစ္ေအာ္ျပီး လူ႔ဘံုမွာ ေပ်ာ္ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ရႊင္ေနလိုက္ၾကပါ။
အင္တာနက္မူရင္း
ႏိုင္းႏိုင္းစေန ဘာသာျပန္သည္။
ေရးသားသူ....... ႏုိင္းႏုိင္းစေန at 9:21:00 PM
သမုိင္းေရးရာအျဖာျဖာ
2nd July
မိတ္ေဆြမ်ား ခင္ဗ်ား;
ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕အေနနဲ႕ ျမန္မာ႕သမုိင္း၊ ကမၻာ႕သမုိင္းေတြကုိဗဟုသုတ အေနနဲ႕သိထားသင္႔တယ္လုိ႔ယူဆပါတယ္။ အဂၤလိပ္စာနဲ႕သမုိင္းနဲ႕ပူးတြဲ ေလ႕လာရေအာင္ BBC country profile နဲ႕ wekipedia တုိ႕မွ ထုတ္ႏူတ္၍ ေအာက္ပါ အစီအစဥ္ေလးကုိ အခန္း ဆက္အေနနဲ႕တင္ျပေပးသြားပါမယ္။
အားလုံးကုိေလးစားလွ်က္။ Alinthit,
15th June မွအဆက္
History of Burma
War with Britain and the fall of Burma
Main article: Anglo-Burmese Wars
The expansion of Burma had consequences along its frontiers. As those frontiers moved ever closer to British India, there were problems both with refugees and military operations spilling over ill-defined borders. In response to the continued expansion and even direct attacks by Burma, the British and the Siamese joined forces against it in 1824. The First Anglo-Burmese War (1824-26) ended in a British victory, and by the Treaty of Yandabo, Burma lost territory previously conquered in Assam, Manipur and Arakan. The British also took possession of Tenasserim with the intention to use it as a bargaining chip in future negotiations with either Burma or Siam. As the century wore on, the British in India began to covet the resources and main port of Burma during an era of great territorial expansion. In 1852, Commodore Lambert was despatched to Burma by Lord Dalhousie over a number of minor issues related to the previous treaty. The Burmese immediately made concessions including the removal of a governor whom the British had made their casus belli. Lambert eventually provoked a naval confrontation in extremely questionable circumstances and thus started the Second Anglo-Burmese War in 1852, which ended in the British annexation of Pegu province, renamed Lower Burma. The war resulted in a palace revolution in Burma, with King Pagan Min (1846–52) being replaced by his half brother, Mindon Min (1853-78). King Mindon tried to modernise the Burmese state and economy to resist British encroachments, and he established a new capital at Mandalay, which he proceeded to fortify. This was not enough to stop the British, however, who claimed that Mindon's son Thibaw Min (ruled 1878–85) was a tyrant intending to side with the French, that he had lost control of the country, thus allowing for disorder at the frontiers, and that he was reneging on a treaty signed by his father. Taking advantage of France's recent defeat of China, and confident that China would not intervene to defend its tributary, the British declared war once again in 1885, conquering the remainder of the country in the Third Anglo-Burmese War resulting in total annexation of Burma.
British rule
Britain made Burma a province of India in 1886 with the capital at Rangoon. Traditional Burmese society was drastically altered by the demise of the monarchy and the separation of religion and state. Though war officially ended after only a couple of weeks, resistance continued in northern Burma until 1890, with the British finally resorting to a systematic destruction of villages and appointment of new officials to finally halt all guerrilla activity. The economic nature of society also changed dramatically. After the opening of the Suez Canal, the demand for Burmese rice grew and vast tracts of land were opened up for cultivation. However, in order to prepare the new land for cultivation, farmers were forced to borrow money from Indian moneylenders called chettiars at high interest rates and were often foreclosed on and evicted losing land and livestock. Most of the jobs also went to indentured Indian labourers, and whole villages became outlawed as they resorted to 'dacoity' (armed robbery). While the Burmese economy grew, all the power and wealth remained in the hands of several British firms and migrants from India. The civil service was largely staffed by Indians, and Burmese were excluded almost entirely from military service. Though the country prospered, the Burmese people failed to reap the rewards. (See George Orwell's novel Burmese Days for a fictional account of the British in Burma.)
By the turn of the century, a nationalist movement began to take shape in the form of Young Men's Buddhist Associations (YMBA), modelled on the YMCA, as religious associations were allowed by the colonial authorities. They were later superseded by the General Council of Burmese Associations (GCBA) which was linked with Wunthanu athin or National Associations that sprang up in villages throughout Burma Proper.[2] A new generation of Burmese leaders arose in the early twentieth century from amongst the educated classes that were permitted to go to London to study law. They came away from this experience with the belief that the Burmese situation could be improved through reform. Progressive constitutional reform in the early 1920s led to a legislature with limited powers, a university and more autonomy for Burma within the administration of India. Efforts were also undertaken to increase the representation of Burmese in the civil service. Some people began to feel that the rate of change was not fast enough and the reforms not expansive enough.
In 1920 the first university students strike in history broke out in protest against the new University Act which the students believed would only benefit the elite and perpetuate colonial rule. 'National Schools' sprang up across the country in protest against the colonial education system, and the strike came to be commemorated as 'National Day'.[2] There were further strikes and anti-tax protests in the later 1920s led by the Wunthanu athins. Prominent among the political activists were Buddhist monks (pongyi), such as U Ottama and U Seinda in the Arakan who subsequently led an armed rebellion against the British and later the nationalist government after independence, and U Wisara, the first martyr of the movement to die after a protracted hunger strike in prison. [2] (One of the main thoroughfares in Yangon is named after U Wisara.) In December 1930, a local tax protest by Saya San in Tharrawaddy quickly grew into first a regional and then a national insurrection against the government. Lasting for two years, the Galon rebellion, named after the mythical bird Garuda — enemy of the Nagas i.e. the British — emblazoned on the pennants the rebels carried, required thousands of British troops to suppress along with promises of further political reform. The eventual trial of Saya San, who was executed, allowed several future national leaders, including Dr Ba Maw and U Saw, who participated in his defence, to rise to prominence.[2]
May 1930 saw the founding of the Dobama Asiayone (We Burmans Association) whose members called themselves Thakin (an ironic name as thakin means "master" in the Burmese language—rather like the Indian 'sahib'— proclaiming that they were the true masters of the country entitled to the term usurped by the colonial masters).[2] The second university students strike in 1936 was triggered by the expulsion of Aung San and Ko Nu, leaders of the Rangoon University Students Union (RUSU), for refusing to reveal the name of the author who had written an article in their university magazine, making a scathing attack on one of the senior university officials. It spread to Mandalay leading to the formation of the All Burma Students Union (ABSU). Aung San and Nu subsequently joined the Thakin movement progressing from student to national politics.[2] The British separated Burma from India in 1937 and granted the colony a new constitution calling for a fully elected assembly, but this proved to be a divisive issue as some Burmese felt that this was a ploy to exclude them from any further Indian reforms whereas other Burmese saw any action that removed Burma from the control of India to be a positive step. Ba Maw served as the first prime minister of Burma, but he was forced out by U Saw in 1939, who served as prime minister from 1940 until he was arrested on January 19, 1942 by the British for communicating with the Japanese.
A wave of strikes and protests that started from the oilfields of central Burma in 1938 became a general strike with far-reaching consequences. In Rangoon student protesters, after successfully picketing the Secretariat, the seat of the colonial government, were charged by the British mounted police wielding batons and killing a Rangoon University student called Aung Kyaw. In Mandalay, the police shot into a crowd of protesters led by Buddhist monks killing 17 people. The movement became known as Htaung thoun ya byei ayeidawbon (the '1300 Revolution' named after the Burmese calendar year)[2], and December 20, the day the first martyr Aung Kyaw fell, commemorated by students as 'Bo Aung Kyaw Day'.[3]
World War II and Japan
Main articles: Japanese occupation of Burma and Burma Campaign
Some Burmese nationalists saw the outbreak of World War II as an opportunity to extort concessions from the British in exchange for support in the war effort. Other Burmese, such as the Thakin movement, opposed Burma's participation in the war under any circumstances. Aung San co-founded the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) with other Thakins in August 1939.[2] Marxist literature as well as tracts from the Sinn Féin movement in Ireland had been widely circulated and read among political activists. Aung San also co-founded the People's Revolutionary Party (PRP), renamed the Socialist Party after the World War II. He was also instrumental in founding the Bama htwet yat gaing (Freedom Bloc) by forging an alliance of the Dobama, ABSU, politically active monks and Ba Maw's Sinyètha (Poor Man's) Party.[2] After the Dobama organization called for a national uprising, an arrest warrant was issued for many of the organization's leaders including Aung San, who escaped to China. Aung San's intention was to make contact with the Chinese Communists but he was detected by the Japanese authorities who offered him support by forming a secret intelligence unit called the Minami Kikan headed by Colonel Suzuki with the objective of closing the Burma Road and supporting a national uprising. Aung San briefly returned to Burma to enlist twenty-nine young men who went to Japan with him in order to receive military training on Hainan Island, China, and they came to be known as the "Thirty Comrades". When the Japanese occupied Bangkok in December 1941, Aung San announced the formation of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) in anticipation of the Japanese invasion of Burma in 1942.[2]
The BIA formed a provisional government in some areas of the country in the spring of 1942, but there were differences within the Japanese leadership over the future of Burma. While Colonel Suzuki encouraged the Thirty Comrades to form a provisional government, the Japanese Military leadership had never formally accepted such a plan. Eventually the Japanese Army turned to Ba Maw to form a government. During the war in 1942, the BIA had grown in an uncontrolled manner, and in many districts officials and even criminals appointed themselves to the BIA. It was reorganised as the Burma Defence Army (BDA) under the Japanese but still headed by Aung San. While the BIA had been an irregular force, the BDA was recruited by selection and trained as a conventional army by Japanese instructors. Ba Maw was afterwards declared head of state, and his cabinet included both Aung San as War Minister and the Communist leader Thakin Than Tun as Minister of Land and Agriculture as well as the Socialist leaders Thakins Nu and Mya. When the Japanese declared Burma, in theory, independent in 1943, the Burma Defence Army (BDA) was renamed the Burma National Army (BNA).[2]
It soon became apparent that Japanese promises of independence were merely a sham and that Ba Maw was just a puppet. As the war turned against the Japanese, they declared Burma a fully sovereign state on August 1, 1943, but this was just another facade. Disillusioned, Aung San began negotiations with Communist leaders Thakin Than Tun and Thakin Soe, and Socialist leaders Ba Swe and Kyaw Nyein which led to the formation of the Anti-Fascist Organisation (AFO) in August 1944 at a secret meeting of the CPB,the PRP and the BNA in Pegu. The AFO was later renamed the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League(AFPFL).[2] Thakins Than Tun and Soe, while in Insein prison in July 1941, had co-authored the Insein Manifesto which, against the prevailing opinion in the Dobama movement, identified world fascism as the main enemy in the coming war and called for temporary cooperation with the British in a broad allied coalition which should include the Soviet Union. Soe had already gone underground to organise resistance against the Japanese occupation, and Than Tun was able to pass on Japanese intelligence to Soe, while other Communist leaders Thakins Thein Pe and Tin Shwe made contact with the exiled colonial government in Simla, India.[2]
There were informal contacts between the AFO and the Allies in 1944 and 1945 through the British organisation Force 136. On March 27, 1945 the Burma National Army rose up in a countrywide rebellion against the Japanese.[2] March 27 had been celebrated as 'Resistance Day' until the military renamed it 'Tatmadaw (Armed Forces) Day'. Aung San and others subsequently began negotiations with Lord Mountbatten and officially joined the Allies as the Patriotic Burmese Forces (PBF). At the first meeting, the AFO represented itself to the British as the provisional government of Burma with Thakin Soe as Chairman and Aung San as a member of its ruling committee. The Japanese were routed from most of Burma by May 1945. Negotiations then began with the British over the disarming of the AFO and the participation of its troops in a post-war Burma Army. Some veterans had been formed into a paramilitary force under Aung San, called the Pyithu yèbaw tat or People's Volunteer Organisation (PVO), and were openly drilling in uniform.[2] The absorption of the PBF was concluded successfully at the Kandy conference in Ceylon in September 1945.[2]
From the Japanese surrender to Aung San's assassination
The surrender of the Japanese brought a military administration to Burma and demands to try Aung San for his involvement in a murder during military operations in 1942. Lord Mountbatten realized that this was an impossibility considering Aung San's popular appeal.[2] After the war ended, the British Governor, Sir Reginald Dorman-Smith returned. The restored government established a political program that focused on physical reconstruction of the country and delayed discussion of independence. The AFPFL opposed the government, leading to political instability in the country. A rift had also developed in the AFPFL between the Communists and Aung San together with the Socialists over strategy, which led to Than Tun being forced to resign as general secretary in July 1946 and the expulsion of the CPB from the AFPFL the following October.[2] Dorman-Smith was replaced by Sir Hubert Rance as the new governor, and almost immediately after his appointment the Rangoon Police went on strike. The strike, starting in September 1946, then spread from the police to government employees and came close to becoming a general strike. Rance calmed the situation by meeting with Aung San and convincing him to join the Governor's Executive Council along with other members of the AFPFL.[2] The new executive council, which now had increased credibility in the country, began negotiations for Burmese independence, which were concluded successfully in London as the Aung San-Atlee Agreement on January 27, 1947.[2] The agreement left parts of the communist and conservative branches of the AFPFL dissatisfied, however, sending the Red Flag Communists led by Thakin Soe underground and the conservatives into opposition. Aung San also succeeded in concluding an agreement with ethnic minorities for a unified Burma at the Panglong Conference on February 12, celebrated since as 'Union Day'.[4][2] Shortly after, rebellion broke out in the Arakan led by the veteran monk U Seinda, and it began to spread to other districts.[2] The popularity of the AFPFL, now dominated by Aung San and the Socialists, was eventually confirmed when it won an overwhelming victory in the April 1947 constituent assembly elections.[2]
Then a momentous event stunned the nation on July 19, 1947. U Saw, a conservative pre-war Prime Minister of Burma, engineered the assassination of Aung San and several members of his cabinet including his eldest brother Ba Win, the father of today's National League for Democracy exile-government leader Dr Sein Win, while meeting in the Secretariat.[5][2] July 19 has been commemorated since as Martyrs' Day. Thakin Nu, the Socialist leader, was now asked to form a new cabinet, and he presided over Burmese independence on January 4, 1948. The popular sentiment to part with the British was so strong at the time that Burma opted not to join the British Commonwealth, unlike India or Pakistan.[2]
Independent Burma
Main article: Post-Independence Burma, 1947-1962
The first years of Burmese independence were marked by successive insurgencies by the Red Flag Communists led by Thakin Soe, the White Flag Communists led by Thakin Than Tun, the Yèbaw Hpyu (White-band PVO) led by Bo La Yaung, a member of the Thirty Comrades, army rebels calling themselves the Revolutionary Burma Army (RBA) led by Communist officers Bo Zeya, Bo Yan Aung and Bo Yè Htut — all three of them members of the Thirty Comrades, Arakanese Muslims or the Mujahid, and the Karen National Union (KNU).[2] Remote areas of Northern Burma were for many years controlled by an army of Kuomintang (KMT) forces after the Communist victory in China in 1949.[2] Burma accepted foreign assistance in rebuilding the country in these early years, but continued American support for the Chinese Nationalist military presence in Burma finally resulted in the country rejecting most foreign aid,refusing to join the South-East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and supporting the Bandung Conference of 1955.[2] Burma generally strove to be impartial in world affairs and was one of the first countries in the world to recognize Israel and the People's Republic of China.
By 1958, the country was largely beginning to recover economically, but was beginning to fall apart politically due to a split in the AFPFL into two factions, one led by Thakins Nu and Tin, the other by Ba Swe and Kyaw Nyein.[2] And this despite the unexpected success of U Nu's 'Arms for Democracy' offer taken up by U Seinda in the Arakan, the Pa-O, some Mon and Shan groups, but more significantly by the PVO surrendering their arms.[2] The situation however became very unstable in parliament, with U Nu surviving a no-confidence vote only with the support of the opposition National United Front (NUF), believed to have 'crypto-communists' amongst them.[2] Army hardliners now saw the 'threat' of the CPB coming to an agreement with U Nu through the NUF, and in the end U Nu 'invited' Army Chief of Staff General Ne Win to take over the country.[2] Over 400 'communist sympathisers' were arrested, of which 153 were deported to the Coco Island in the Andaman Sea. Among them was the NUF leader Aung Than, older brother of Aung San. The Botahtaung, Kyemon and Rangoon Daily were also closed down.[2]
Ne Win's caretaker government successfully established the situation and paved the way for new general elections in 1960 that returned U Nu's Union Party with a large majority.[2] The situation did not remain stable for long, when the Shan Federal Movement, started by Nyaung Shwe Sawbwa Sao Shwe Thaik (the first President of independent Burma 1948-52) and aspiring to a 'loose' federation, was seen as a separatist movement insisting on the government honouring the right to secession in 10 years provided for by the 1947 Constitution. Ne Win had already succeeded in stripping the Shan Sawbwas of their feudal powers in exchange for comfortable pensions for life in 1959. He staged a coup d'etat on March 2, 1962, arrested U Nu, Sao Shwe Thaik and several others, and declared a 'socialist state' run by a 'Revolutionary Council' of senior military officers. Sao Shwe Thaik's son, Sao Mye Thaik, was shot dead in what was generally described as a 'bloodless' coup. Thibaw Sawbwa Sao Kya Seng also disappeared mysteriously after being stopped at a checkpoint near Taunggyi.[2]
Military era
Main article: Burmese Way to Socialism
Soon after seizing power, a peaceful student protest on Rangoon University campus was suppressed by the military, killing over 100 students on July 7, 1962. The next day, the army blew up the Students Union building.[2] Peace talks were convened between the RC and various armed insurgent groups in 1963, but without any breakthrough, and during the talks as well as in the aftermath of its failure, hundreds were arrested in Rangoon and elsewhere from both the right and the left of the political spectrum. All opposition parties were banned on March 28, 1964.[2] The Kachin insurgency by the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) had begun earlier in 1961 triggered by U Nu's declaration of Buddhism as the state religion, and the Shan State Army (SSA), led by Sao Shwe Thaik's wife Mahadevi and son Chao Tzang Yaunghwe, launched a rebellion in 1964 as a direct consequence of the 1962 military coup.[2]
Ne Win quickly took steps to transform Burma into his vision of a 'socialist state' and to isolate the country from contact with the rest of the world. A one-party system was established with his newly formed Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) in complete control.[2] Commerce and industry were nationalized across the board, but the economy did not grow at first as the government put too much emphasis on industrial development at the expense of agriculture. In April 1972, General Ne Win and the rest of the Revolutionary Council retired from the military, but now as U Ne Win, he continued to run the country through the BSPP. A new constitution was promulgated in January 1974 that resulted in the creation of a People's Assembly (Pyithu Hluttaw) that held supreme legislative, executive, and judicial authority, and local People's Councils. Ne Win became the president of the new government.[2]
Beginning in May 1974, a wave of strikes hit Rangoon and elsewhere in the country against a backdrop of corruption, inflation and food shortages, especially rice. In Rangoon workers were arrested at the Insein railway yard, and troops opened fire on workers at the Thamaing textile mill and Simmalaik dockyard.[2] In December 1974, the biggest anti-government demonstrations to date broke out over the funeral of former UN Secretary-General U Thant.[2] U Thant had been former prime minister U Nu's closest advisor in the 1950s and was seen as a symbol of opposition to the military regime. The Burmese people felt that U Thant was denied a state funeral that he deserved as a statesman of international stature because of his association with U Nu.
On March 23 1976, over 100 students were arrested for holding a peaceful ceremony (Hmaing yabyei) to mark the centenary of the birth of Thakin Kodaw Hmaing who was the greatest Burmese poet and writer and nationalist leader of the 20th. century history of Burma. He had inspired a whole generation of Burmese nationalists and writers by his work mainly written in verse, fostering immense pride in their history, language and culture, and urging them to take direct action such as strikes by students and workers. It was Hmaing as leader of the mainstream Dobama who sent the Thirty Comrades abroad for military training, and after independence devoted his life to internal peace and national reconciliation until he died at the age of 88 in 1964. Hmaing lies buried in a mausoleum at the foot of the Shwedagon Pagoda.[6]
In 1978, a military operation was conducted against the Rohingya Muslims in Arakan, called the King Dragon operation, causing 250,000 refugees to flee to neighboring Bangladesh.
U Nu, after his release from prison in October 1966, had left Burma in April 1969, and formed the Parliamentary Democracy Party (PDP) the following August in Bangkok,Thailand with the former Thirty Comrades, Bo Let Ya, co-founder of the CPB and former Minister of Defence and deputy prime minister, Bo Yan Naing, and U Thwin, ex-BIA and former Minister of Trade. Another member of the Thirty Comrades, Bohmu Aung, former Minister of Defence, joined later. The fourth, Bo Setkya, who had gone underground after the 1962 coup, died in Bangkok shortly before U Nu arrived.[2] The PDP launched an armed rebellion across the Thai border from 1972 till 1978 when Bo Let Ya was killed in an attack by the Karen National Union (KNU). U Nu, Bohmu Aung and Bo Yan Naing returned to Rangoon after the 1980 amnesty.[2] Ne Win also secretly held peace talks later in 1980 with the KIO and the CPB, again ending in a deadlock as before.[2]
Crisis and 1988 Uprising
Main article: 8888 Uprising
In the 1980s, the economy began to grow as the government relaxed restrictions on foreign aid, but by the late 1980s falling commodity prices and rising debt led to an economic crisis. This led to economic reforms in 1987-88 that relaxed socialist controls and encouraged foreign investment. This was not enough, however, to stop growing turmoil in the country, compounded by periodic 'demonetization' of certain bank notes in the currency, the last of which was decreed in September 1987 wiping out the savings of the vast majority of people.[2] Burma's admittance to Least Developed Country status by the UN the following December highlighted its economic bankruptcy.[2] Ne Win retired as president in 1981, but remained in power as Chairman of the BSPP until his sudden unexpected announcement to step down on July 23, 1988.[2]
Triggered by brutal police repression of student-led protests causing the death of over a hundred students and civilians in March and June 1988, widespread protests and demonstrations broke out on August 8 throughout the country. The military responded by firing into the crowds, alleging Communist infiltration. Violence, chaos and anarchy reigned. Civil administration had ceased to exist, and by September of that year, the country was on the verge of a revolution. The armed forces, under the nominal command of General Saw Maung staged a coup on September 18 to restore order. During the 8888 Uprising, as it became known, the military killed thousands. The military swept aside the Constitution of 1974 in favor of martial law under the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) with Saw Maung as chairman and prime minister.[2]
At a special six-hour press conference on August 5, 1989, Brig. Gen. Khin Nyunt, the SLORC Secretary 1 and chief of Military Intelligence Service (MIS), claimed that the uprising had been orchestrated by the Communist Party of Burma through its underground organisation.[7] Although there had inevitably been some underground CPB presence as well as that of ethnic insurgent groups, there was no evidence of their being in charge to any extent.[2] In fact, in March 1989, the CPB leadership was overthrown by a rebellion by the Kokang and Wa troops that it had come to depend on after losing its former strongholds in central Burma and re-establishing bases in the northeast in the late 1960s; the Communist leaders were soon forced into exile across the Chinese border.[2]
Military era II
Main article: State Peace and Development Council
The military government announced a change of name for the country in English from Burma to Myanmar in 1989. It also continued the economic reforms started by the old regime and called for a Constituent Assembly to revise the 1974 Constitution. This led to multiparty elections in May 1990 in which the National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory over the National Unity Party (NUP, the successor to the BSPP) and about a dozen smaller parties.[2] The military, however, would not let the assembly convene, and continued to hold the two leaders of the NLD, U Tin U and Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San, under house arrest imposed on them the previous year. Burma came under increasing international pressure to convene the elected assembly, particularly after Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, and also faced economic sanctions. In April 1992 the military replaced Saw Maung with General Than Shwe.
Than Shwe released U Nu from prison and relaxed some of the restrictions on Aung San Suu Kyi's house arrest, finally releasing her in 1995, although she was forbidden to leave Rangoon. Than Shwe also finally allowed a National Convention to meet in January 1993, but insisted that the assembly preserve a major role for the military in any future government, and suspended the convention from time to time. The NLD, fed up with the interference, walked out in late 1995, and the assembly was finally dismissed in March 1996 without producing a constitution.
During the 1990s, the military regime had also had to deal with several insurgencies by tribal minorities along its borders. General Khin Nyunt was able to negotiate cease-fire agreements that ended the fighting with the Kokang, hill tribes such as the Wa, and the Kachin, but the Karen would not negotiate. The military finally captured the main Karen base at Manerplaw in spring 1995, but there has still been no final peace settlement. Khun Sa, a major opium warlord who nominally controlled parts of Shan State, made a deal with the government in December 1995 after U.S. pressure.
After the failure of the National Convention to create a new constitution, tensions between the government and the NLD mounted, resulting in two major crackdowns on the NLD in 1996 and 1997. The SLORC was abolished in November 1997 and replaced by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), but it was merely a cosmetic change. Continuing reports of human rights violations in Burma led the United States to intensify sanctions in 1997, and the European Union followed suit in 2000. The military placed Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest again in September 2000 until May 2002, when her travel restrictions outside of Rangoon were also lifted. Reconciliation talks were held with the government, but these came to a stalemate and Suu Kyi was once again taken into custody in May 2003 after an ambush on her motorcade reportedly by a pro-military mob. She remains under house arrest today. The government also carried out another large-scale crackdown on the NLD, arresting many of its leaders and closing down most of its offices. The situation in Burma remains tense to this day.
In August 2003, Kyin Nyunt announced a seven-step "roadmap to democracy", which the government claims it is in the process of implementing. There is no timetable associated with the government’s plan, or any conditionality or independent mechanism for verifying that it is moving forward. For these reasons, most Western governments and Burma's neighbors have been skeptical and critical of the roadmap.
On February 17, 2005, the government reconvened the National Convention, for the first time since 1993, in an attempt to rewrite the Constitution. However, major pro-democracy organisations and parties, including the National League for Democracy, were barred from participating, the military allowing only selected smaller parties. It was adjourned once again in January 2006.
In November 2005, the military junta started moving the government away from Yangon to an unnamed location near Kyatpyay just outside Pyinmana, to a newly designated capital city. This public action follows a long term unofficial policy of moving critical military and government infrastructure away from Yangon to avoid a repetition of the events of 1988. On Armed Forces Day (March 27, 2006), the capital was officially named Naypyidaw Myodaw (lit. Royal City of the Seat of Kings)
Maung Yit - Leave me back behind with the 2008 Election
ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲထဲမွာ ေမာင္ရစ္ကို ထားရစ္ခဲ့
(အိုဘားမား၊ ဟယ္လရီကလင္တန္၊ မက္ကိန္း၊ မူဂါဘီတို႔နဲ႔ အတူ …)
ေမာင္ရစ္
ဇူလိုင္ ၂၊ ၂၀၀၈
ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဓာတ္စာေတြကို ေရးလာခ့ဲတာ အေတာ္အဆက္ျပတ္သြားပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ဆုံးေရးခဲ့မိတာက အေမရိကန္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲပဲနဲ႔တူတယ္။ အခုလည္း အေမရိကန္သမၼတေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအေၾကာင္းပဲ ေရးရေပဦးေတာ့မယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာက ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဆိုတာ ကမာၻပ်က္ခါနီး ေလေတြ မိုးေတြၾကီးေတာ့မွ က်င္းပမယ့္ ဒုလႅဘတပါး မဟုတ္လား။
အေမရိကားမွာေတာ့ ၄ ႏွစ္တခါ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ လုပ္ေနၾကျဖစ္ေတာ့ ဒီတေခါက္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ အေမရိကန္သမိုင္းရဲ႔ ပထမဦးဆုံး လူမည္း သမၼတေလာင္း၊ ပထမဦးဆုံး အမ်ဳိးသမီးသမၼတေလာင္း၊ ျပီးေတာ့ ပထမဦးဆုံး အသက္အၾကီးဆုံး သမၼတေလာင္း (၇၂ ႏွစ္ တည္းပါ၊ ျမန္မာျပည္သန္းေရႊ က ၇၅ ရွိျပီ တဲ့) တို႔ ျပိဳင္ၾကတဲ့ ပြဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အေမရိကန္သမၼတေလာင္းေတြအားလုံးက သူတို႔ဖာသာသူတို႔ ပထမဦးဆုံးေတြခ်ည္းဆိုေတာ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မဲဆြယ္ပြဲေတြ၊ မဲဆႏၵရွင္ေတြရဲ႔ အၾကိဳမဲေပးပြဲေတြမွာ တဦးကိုတဦး အျပန္အလွန္ အျပိဳင္အဆိုင္ စကားႏိုင္လုၾကတာ၊ ထုိးႏွက္တိုက္ခိုက္ၾကတာကလည္း ခ်ိမ့္ခ်ိမ့္သဲ၊ ၀က္၀က္ကြဲပါပဲခင္ဗ်ာ။ ေသနတ္နဲ႔မပစ္၊ ဒုတ္နဲ႔မရုိက္၊ ကားေပၚပစ္တင္တာမ်ဳိးေတြ မရွိလို႔သာဘဲ သတင္းစာ၊ ရုပ္ျမင္သံၾကားနဲ႔ ေရဒီယိုေတြမွာ ျပိဳင္ၾက ဆိုင္ၾက ရင္ဆိုင္ၾကျပီး ျပည္သူအသည္းၾကားက မဲတျပားကို ဆြယ္ေနၾကတာကို ရႈစားရတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အခု ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲက အစိမ္ၾကီး မဟုတ္ေသးပါဘူး။ ပါတီၾကီး ၂ ခုရဲ႔ သမၼတေလာင္း ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကရက္ပါတီက လူမည္း အိုဘားမားနဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသမီး ကလင္တန္တို႔ ၂ ဦးၾကားက ဘယ္သူကို ေရြးမလဲ ျပိဳင္ဆိုင္ၾကတာ ျဖစ္ျပီး၊ ရီပါဗလီကင္ပါတီကေတာ့ ေစာေစာစီးစီးမွာတင္ သက္ေတာ္ရွည္ မက္ကိန္းကို သမၼတေလာင္းအျဖစ္ လ်ာထားႏိုင္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။
တဖက္ကို တဖက္ စြပ္စြဲ ပုတ္ခတ္ၾကတာေတြထဲက အမွတ္တရေတြ ေျပာရလ်င္ေတာ့ - မက္ကိန္းက ယခုသမၼတၾကီး ဘုရွ္ရဲ႔ မေအာင္ျမင္တဲ့ စီးပြားေရးနဲ႔ စစ္ေရး မူ၀ါဒေတြကို ဆက္ျပီး အတင္းအသက္သြင္း ဒရြတ္ဆြဲမယ့္ ေရွးရိုးစြဲသမားပါတဲ့။ ကလင္တန္ကေတာ့ သမၼတကေတာ္ သက္တမ္းနဲ႔ နယူးေယာက္ဆီနိတ္တာ သက္တမ္းေတြေပါင္းျပီး လုပ္သက္နဲ႔ ဟိန္းေဟာက္ေနေပမယ့္ အသံသာရွိ အဆံမရွိပါဘူးတဲ့။ အိုဘားမားဆိုတာ လုပ္သက္ကလည္းႏု၊ အသားကလည္း မည္း၊ ဘာသာေရးကလည္း တလြဲ ဆိုပဲ စသည္ျဖင့္ အခ်င္းခ်င္း ခ်ေနၾကတာမ်ား … ျမန္မာျပည္မွာဆိုရင္ ကိုယ့္ၾကံ့ဖြတ္ သူၾကံ့ဖြတ္ေတြ အခ်င္းခ်င္း လႊတ္ျပီး ခ်ိန္းရိုက္ၾကေတာ့မလားေတာင္ မွတ္ရတယ္။ အရိုးအသား ရွာလို႔ေတာင္ ရဖြယ္မျမင္ဘူး ခင္ဗ်။
သို႔ေသာ္ ဒီတေခါက္ သမၼတေလာင္းေရြးခ်ယ္တဲ့ ျပည္သူဆႏၵခံယူပြဲဟာျဖင့္ အေမရိကန္သမိုင္းမွာ အၾကီးက်ယ္ဆုံးေသာ ျဖစ္ရပ္တခုအေနနဲ႔ တြင္က်န္ရစ္ပါတယ္။ အိုဘားမားနဲ႔ ကလင္တန္တို႔ဟာ အသက္ ၂၀ ၀န္းက်င္ မ်ဳိးဆက္သစ္ မဲဆႏၵရွင္မ်ား၊ အေမ့ေလ်ာ့ခံ လူလတ္တန္းစားနဲ႔ အေျခခံ လူတန္းစားမ်ား နဲ႔ ကလင္တန္နဲ႔ မ်ဳိးႏြယ္တူ အမ်ဳိးသမီးထုၾကီးတရပ္လုံးကို အိမ္ေတြ၊ ေက်ာင္းေတြထဲက ႏိုးထလာၾကျပီး မဲေပးသူေတြအျဖစ္ မွတ္ပုံတင္လာၾကဖို႔ ေဆာ္ၾသစည္းရုံးႏိုင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ မဲမေပးဘဲေနတဲ့ အေမရိကန္ေတြကို လမ္းေပၚ ဆြဲထုတ္လိုက္ပါတယ္။
အိုဘားမားဆိုတဲ့ ၄၆ ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ လူရြယ္တေယာက္၊ ဆီနိတ္တာေလးတေယာက္က၊ လူမည္းကျပားေလးတေယာက္ကေန လူငယ္ေတြဆီက၊ ေခတ္ျပိဳင္ေတြဆီက၊ လူထုဆီက တက်ပ္တျပား ၀ိုင္းလွဴတဲ့ ရန္ပုံေငြေတြ သန္းနဲ႔ခ်ီျပီး ရခဲ့တယ္။ အဲဒါနဲ႔ မဲဆြယ္ပြဲအတြက္ သုံးစြဲလိုက္တာ ျပိဳင္ဖက္ ကလင္တန္တေယာက္ ေနာက္ကလိုက္ျပိဳင္ရင္း အေၾကြးတင္သြားပါတယ္။ မက္ကိန္းေနာက္က ေရွးရိုးစြဲ ဓနရွင္ကုမၼဏီၾကီးေတြ၊ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းၾကီးေတြေတာင္မွ မ်က္ခုံးလႈပ္သြားေစပါတယ္။ ကမာၻမွာ ေစ်းအၾကီးဆုံး သမၼတေလာင္းေရြးပြဲပါပဲတဲ့။
အေမရိကန္ၾကီး ဒီေလာက္ စီးပြားပ်က္ကပ္ဆိုက္ေနခ်ိန္၊ စစ္ စာရိတ္ ပိေနခ်ိန္မွာ အသုံးအစြဲၾကီးတဲ့ သမၼတေလာင္းေရြးပြဲကို ဥေရာပႏိုင္ငံေတြကေတာင္ ဆလံေပးၾကပါသတဲ့။ ျမန္မာျပည္က စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားကေတာ့ အံ့ၾသလြန္းလို႔ အေမရိကန္ေတြကို သနားတယ္တဲ့။ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမေျပာနဲ႔ဦး လူထုဆႏၵခံယူပြဲကိုေတာင္ မုန္တိုင္းၾကားထဲက အေလာင္းေတြ ေတာင္လုိပုံေနတဲ့ၾကားထဲက လုပ္တာေတာင္ ပိုက္ဆံမကုန္တဲ့နည္းေတြနဲ႔ အလုပ္ျဖစ္ေနေတာ့ သူတို႔က နားမလည္ႏိုင္ရွာဘူးတဲ့။ ပိုက္ဆံကုန္စရာ မလုိပါဘူးကြာ လူေတြ ေပါကေပါနဲ႔ သတ္လိုက္၊ ပစ္လိုက္၊ ေထာင္ထဲထည့္လိုက္၊ ျပီးတာနဲ႔ ဆႏၵခံယူပြဲကိုလုပ္လိုက္ … ေဟာ ႏိုင္သြားေရာ … ၉၂ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းေတာင္၊ က်န္တဲ့ ၈ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းဆိုတာ ေနျပည္ေတာ္က တိရစာၦန္ရုံအသစ္ရဲ႔ သန္းေကာင္စာရင္း က်ေပ်ာက္သြားလို႔ ဆိုလား … ပါမသြားတာလို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။
အေမရိကန္ရဲ႔ သမၼတေလာင္းေရြးပြဲမွာ သူတုိ႔ေတြ ျပိဳင္ေနတာ၊ ေျပာေနတာ၊ ရင္ဆုိင္ အႏိ္ုင္ႏႊဲေနတာ ၾကည့္ျပီး ေမာင္ရစ္တေယာက္ အသက္ေတာင္မရႈရဲပါဘူးခင္ဗ်ာ။ ေၾကာက္လို႔ပါ။ ေအာ္ ဒီေလာက္ေတာင္ တေယာက္ကို တေယာက္ စိန္ေခၚျပီး ေျပာဆိုေနလိုက္တာ တသက္လုံး မိတ္ေတြပ်က္လို႔ မေခၚႏိုင္ မေျပာႏိုင္ ရန္သူၾကီးေတြ ျဖစ္ကုန္ေတာ့မွာပဲလို႔ ေတြးပူလို႔ပါ။
"ရွက္ဖြယ္ ရွက္ဖြယ္ အသင္ အိုဘားမား" လို႔ ကလင္တန္က ဆိုေတာ့ … အိုဘားမားကလည္း "မနက္ ၃ နာရီ ညၾကီးမင္းၾကီး ထျပီးထိုင္တဲ့ ငါ့ဟဲ့ သမၼတမ ကလင္တန္ … သတိလည္း မေကာင္းဘူး" ဆိုျပီး ျပန္ပုတ္ခတ္တာကိုးေနာ္။ ကိုလိုနီလက္သစ္တို႔၊ ပုဆိန္ရိုးတို႔၊ မုသာ၀ါဒီတို႔ စတာေတြေတာ့ မပါဘူးေပါ့ေလ။ သို႔ေသာ္ ဒီက အေမရိကန္သမၼတေလာင္းေတြကလည္း ေဆာ္ၾက တီးၾကတာပါပဲ။
ေနာက္ဆုံးမေတာ့ ပရိသတ္ၾကီးသိျပီးျဖစ္တဲ့အတိုင္း ဒီမိုကရက္ပါတီက အိုဘားမားကို သမၼတေလာင္းအျဖစ္ ေရြးခ်ယ္လိုက္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္သူဆႏၵ၊ မဲဆႏၵနဲ႔ပါ။ ကလင္တန္ကေတာ့ လုံေလာက္တဲ့ မဲဆႏၵနယ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြ မရလို႔ ရႈံးပါတယ္။ သူတင္ ကိုယ္တင္ ျပိဳင္ၾကတဲ့ေနရာမွာ ဆက္ျပီး တင္းခံျပီး ျငင္းၾက၊ ခုန္ၾက အမႈရင္ဆိုင္ၾကရင္လည္း ဆက္ျပီး အျငင္းပြားလို႔ရတဲ့ အေျခအေနျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကလင္တန္ဘက္က သမၼတေဟာင္း ေယာက်ားၤကလင္တန္နဲ႔တကြေသာ လူထုပရိသတ္မ်ား၊ အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ားဆိုတာ အင္နဲ႔အားနဲ႔ ပါတီညီလာခံမွာ အယူခံ၀င္ႏိုင္တဲ့ အေျခအေနျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျပိဳင္ဖက္ပါတီ ရစ္ပါဗလီကန္မ်ားကေတာ့ ယာလည္းညက္၊ ၾကက္လည္းပမ္း၊ ဒီမိုကရက္အခ်င္းခ်င္း ခြပ္ေနၾကတာကို ျပဳံးျပဳံးၾကီး ရႈစားေနခ်ိန္ေပါ့ခင္ဗ်ာ။
သို႔ေသာ္လည္း စိတ္ဒုန္းဒုန္းခ်ျပီးေတာ့ "ႏိုင္ … ႏိုင္ျပီေဟ့၊ ရႈံး … ရႈံးျပီေဟ့" လို႔ ဆုံးျဖတ္လိုက္တာနဲ႔ အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံေရးရဲ႔ မိုးေလ၀သဆိုတာ ခ်က္ျခင္းၾကီး တိမ္ေတြၾကည္၊ ေနေတြသာလို႔ တမဟုတ္ခ်င္း ေျပာင္းသြားတာကို ေမာင္ရစ္တေယာက္ မ်က္၀ါးထင္ထင္ ျမင္လိုက္ရတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဆုံးမေတာ့ ကလင္တန္က ျပဳံးျပဳံးရႊင္ရႊင္ပဲ သူ ရႈံးျပီ၊ အိုဘားမား ႏိုင္သြားျပီလို႔ ၀န္ခံပါတယ္။ အိုဘားမားကို ခ်ီးက်ဳး ဂုဏ္ျပဳပါတယ္။ သူ႔ကိုေထာက္ခံတဲ့ လူထုကို အိုဘားမားကို ဆက္လက္ေထာက္ခံဖို႔ တိုက္တြန္းပါတယ္။ သူ႔အေရးထက္ ပါတီ့အေရးက အေရးၾကီးပါသတဲ့။ ပါတီ့အေရးထက္ ျပည္သူ႔အေရး တိုင္းျပည္အေရးက အေရးၾကီးပါတယ္တဲ့။ ဒီမိုကရက္ပါတီရဲ႔ မူ၀ါဒလမ္းစဥ္ေတြကို အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ျပီး တိုင္းျပည္ေကာင္းစားဖို႔အေရး လုပ္ၾကရ၀ယ္ အိုဘားမားကို သမၼတအျဖစ္ ေအာင္ျမင္ေစေရး သူကိုယ္တိုင္လည္း အုတ္တခ်ပ္ သဲတပြင့္ ဆက္လက္ ထမ္းရြက္မယ္လို႔ လူထုပရိသတ္ကို ပန္ၾကားလိုက္တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူတို႔ေတြဟာ ျပိဳင္ဘက္ေတြ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ၾကေပမယ့္ မိတ္ေဆြေတြပါ။ ရန္သူေတြ မဟုတ္ဘူးဆိုတာကို မ်က္၀ါးထင္ထင္ ျမင္ေတြ႔လိုက္ရတာပါ ခင္ဗ်ာ။
လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၈ ႏွစ္က ဒီမိုကရက္ သမၼတေလာင္း အယ္လ္ဂိုးက ေအာင္ႏိုင္သူ သမၼတ ဘြရွ္ကို လက္ဆြဲႏႈတ္ဆက္ ခ်ီးက်ဴးဂုဏ္ျပဳခဲ့ပါတယ္။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၄ ႏွစ္က ဒီမိုကရက္သမၼတေလာင္း ကယ္ရီက ေအာင္ပြဲဆက္သူ သမၼတ ဘုရွ္ကို ဒီလုိပဲ လက္ဆြဲႏႈတ္ဆက္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ မူ၀ါဒေတြမွာ၊ သေဘာထားေတြမွာ မတူၾကေပမယ့္ ျပိဳင္ၾကဆိုင္ၾကေပမယ့္ တုိင္းျပည္တခုထဲက ႏိုင္ငံသား အခ်င္းခ်င္းဆိုတာ ရန္သူေတြ မဟုတ္ဘူးလို႔ သူတို႔ႏိုင္ငံေရး စနစ္၊ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲစနစ္နဲ႔ အေျခခံဥပေဒၾကီးက သက္ေသျပလိုက္ပါတယ္။
ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ႏိုင္တာေတာင္ အာဏာမလႊဲႏိုင္ေသးဘဲ အမ်ဳိးသားညီလာခံတို႔၊ လမ္းညြန္ေျမပုံ ၇ ခ်က္တို႔၊ အေျခခံဥပေဒအသစ္တို႔ေတြနဲ႔ ေတာေျပာ ေတာင္ေျပာေတြ မလုပ္တတ္ရွာၾကဘူးခင္ဗ်ာ။ အတိုက္အခံတို႔၊ ျပိဳင္ဖက္တုိ႔၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားတို႔၊ ေက်ာင္းသားတို႔၊ စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားတို႔ကို ရန္သူမ်ားသဖြယ္ သေဘာထားျပီး ေထာင္ခ်ျခင္း၊ သတ္ျဖတ္ျခင္း၊ တိုင္းျပည္က ေမာင္းထုတ္ျခင္းလည္း မလုပ္တတ္ၾကရွာဘူး ခင္ဗ်ာ။ ကိုယ့္ႏိုင္ငံ၊ ကိုယ့္ျပည္သူေတြကို ရန္သူလို႔ သေဘာမထားတာကို ေမာင္ရစ္ကေတာ့ ျဖဳံေတာင္သြားပါတယ္။ ဘယ့္ႏွယ္ ေမာင္ရစ္ေတာင္ ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတုန္းက အမတ္၀င္ေရြးဖို႔ မေျပာနဲ႔ မဲေတာင္ မေပးခဲ့ရဘူး။ ေျပးေနရတာကိုး ခင္ဗ်ာ။ ခုလည္း ၂၀၀၈ ျမန္မာျပည္ ဆႏၵခံယူပြဲမွာ ကန္႔ကြက္မဲေတာင္ မေပးရဲၾကရွာဘူး။ ေၾကာက္လြန္လြန္းလို႔ပါ။ စစ္အစိုးရနဲ႔ အလုိေတာ္ရိေတြက ျပည္သူကို ရန္သူၾကီးေတြအျဖစ္ ေက်းကၽြန္ေတြအျဖစ္ မ်က္ေထာင့္နီၾကီးေတြနဲ႔ ေစာင္ေနၾကတာကိုးေလ။
အာဖရိကမွာ ဆူဒန္မွာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲလုပ္ေတာ့ ရြာေတြကို အာဏာရွင္လက္ပါးေစေတြက ၀င္ျပီး စီးနင္းပါတယ္။ မဲေပးရင္ သူတို႔ ရႈံးမွာစိုးေတာ့ ရြာသားေတြကို မဲမေပးရေအာင္ မဲေပးမယ့္ လက္ေတြကို ဒါးနဲ႔ ခုတ္ျဖတ္ပစ္ပါတယ္တဲ့။ သူတို႔ကို လက္နက္ကိုင္ျပီး ျပန္တုိက္မွာလည္း စိုးရိမ္ပုံရပါတယ္။ သူတို႔ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဆိုတာ အာဏာရွင္ေတြ အာဏာဆက္တည္ေအာင္ သူတို႔ႏိုင္မွ ရမယ့္ စိတ္တိုင္းက်ပြဲေတြ ျဖစ္ကုန္ပါတယ္။ ရႈံးရင္လည္း မႏိုင္မခ်င္း ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို လုပ္ေနေတာ့ ကန္႕ကြက္မယ့္လူေတြကို မ်ဳိးျဖဳတ္ပစ္ေနေတာ့ ေနာက္ဆုံးမွာ ျပိဳင္ဖက္မရွိ တဦးတည္းေသာ ေရြးခ်ယ္ခံ အာဏာရွင္ေတြ ျဖစ္ကုန္ၾကတာကိုးေလ။ တဦးတည္း အေျပးျပိဳင္တာ သူခ်ည္းသာ ပထမ ရ ဆိုသလိုေပါ့ေလ။
ခုေလးတင္ ဇင္ဘာေဘြက ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ လက္ရွိအာဏာရွင္သမၼတ မူဂါဘီက အတုိက္အခံကို ရႈံးေတာ့ ရႈံးမဲ မဲျပီး ၾကမ္းလိုက္ရမ္းလိုက္တာ ေနာက္ဆုံး အတိုက္အခံေခါင္းေဆာင္ခင္မ်ာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲက ႏႈတ္ထြက္လိုက္ရရွာပါေတာ့တယ္။ အဲသည္မွာမွ မူဂါဘီၾကီးက ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ျပန္လည္က်င္းပျပီး နန္းသိမ္းျပန္ပါေတာ့တယ္လို႔ ၾကားသိရပါတယ္။ မူဂါဘီတေယာက္ သူတိုင္းျပည္မွာ သူနဲ႔မတူ ရန္သူရယ္လို႔ သေဘာထားျပီး သတ္ျဖတ္အၾကမ္းဖက္ ေျဖရွင္းတာဟာ ဘယ္ႏိုင္ငံေတြကို သင္ခန္းစာယူလိုက္ေလသလဲလို႔ ေမာင္ရစ္လည္း ေၾကာက္လို႔ မေျပာေတာ့ပါဘူးေလ။
နိဂုံးခ်ဳပ္အေနနဲ႔ တခုပဲ ေမာင္ရစ္ အေမရိကန္သမၼတၾကီး မစၥတာဘုရွ္ကို ေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္။ တိုင္းျပည္ကို ၈ ႏွစ္တည္း အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ျပီး ေနရာက ဆင္းေပးရဲတာ နည္းတဲ့ သတၱိမဟုတ္ပါဘူးခင္ဗ်ား။ ခင္ဗ်ား အာဏာရတုံး အေျခခံဥပေဒကို ျပင္ဆင္ျပီး သမၼတသက္တမ္းကို တိုးလည္း မတိုး၊ ေလ်ာ့လည္း မေလ်ာ့ခ်သြားတဲ့အတြက္လည္း အံၾသမိပါတယ္။ ျပည္ပက အၾကမ္းဖက္သမားေတြ၊ အာဏာရွင္ေတြကို တြန္းလွန္ေနရခ်ိန္မွာ တိုင္းျပည္ကို အေရးေပၚအေျခအေန မေၾကညာဘဲ အာဏာမသိမ္းဘဲ ထားတာကိုလည္း ေလးစားလွပါတယ္။ ဓာတ္ဆီေစ်းက တဂါလံ ျမန္မာေငြ ၆၀၀၀ က်ပ္ျဖစ္ေအာင္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေပးျပီးေနာက္ ဒီလုိဆီေစ်းတက္တာဟာ အားလုံး၀ိုင္သံုးေနၾကလို႔ ေစ်းကြက္က ေတာင္းဆိုလို႔ ေစ်းတက္တာ ငါနဲ႔ မဆိုင္ဘူးလို႔ ရိုးရိုးၾကီး ျငင္းခုန္ရဲတာကိုလည္း အားရလွပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာလိုမ်ဳိး အေမရိကန္ျပည္သူေတြကို ၾကက္ဆူပင္ မစိုက္ခိုင္းတာကိုလည္း ၀မ္းသာအားရျဖစ္မိပါတယ္။
သမၼတအလုပ္က အနားယူျပီးေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာ အဆင္ေျပတဲ့ေန႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔ သမၼတၾကီး ဘုရွ္ကို ျမန္မာျပည္ကို သြားေရာက္ဖို႔ ခုထဲက ဖိတ္ၾကားလိုပါတယ္။ မိတ္ျဖစ္ေဆြျဖစ္ေပါ့ခင္ဗ်ာ။ ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔ရဲ႔ တိုင္းျပည္ႏိုင္ငံေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈမွာ ရန္သူမရိွ မိတ္ေဆြသာ ရွိဆိုတာကို ျမန္မာျပည္သန္းေရႊတို႔ကို ေဟာေျပာသြန္သင္ေပးဖို႔ အတြက္။ ဟိုလူေတြလည္း ေခၚခဲ့လို႔ရပါတယ္။ အိုဘားမားတို႔၊ ကလင္တန္တို႔၊ မက္ကိန္းတို႔လည္း ဧည့္သည္ေပါ့ေနာ္။ မူဂါဘီေတာ့ မေခၚေတာ့ဘူး။ သူက အရင္ေရာက္ခ်င္ေရာက္ေနမွာ။ အဟိ …
ရန္ကုန္ၿမ့ဳိ ဗံုးေပါက္ကြဲမႈမွာ သူတုိ႔လက္ခ်က္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း စစ္သည္ေတာ္မ်ားအဖြဲ႔က ေျပာၾကား
မဇၩိမသတင္းဌာန
ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔၊ ဂ်ဴလုိင္လ 02 2008 20:56 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္
နယူးေဒလီ။ ။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ၿမ့ဳိေတာ္ေဟာင္း ရန္ကုန္ၿမ့ဳိတြင္ တနလၤာေန႔က ျဖစ္ပြါးခဲ့သည့္ ဗံုးေပါက္ကြဲမႈမွာ သူတုိ႔လက္ခ်က္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ စြမ္းအားျမႇင့္ စစ္သည္ေတာ္မ်ားအဖြဲ႔ (VWSB) က ယေန႔ အဂၤါေန႔က ေျပာၾကားလိုက္သည္။
ျပည္ေထာင္စု ၾကံ့ခိုင္ေရးႏွင့္ ဖြံ႔ၿဖဳိးေရး႐ံုးတြင္ ဗံုးေဖါက္ခြဲမႈ တရပ္ကို ဂ်ဴလိုင္လ (၁) ရက္ေန႔ တနလၤာေန႔က သူတို႔ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ျပည္ပ အတိုက္အခံ တဦး၏ ဘေလာ့ဂ္ စာမ်က္ႏွာတြင္ (VWSB) က ေၾကညာခ်က္တရပ္ ထုတ္ျပန္၍ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
“စြမ္းအားျမႇင့္အဖြဲ႔ (VWSB) ၏ စစ္ဆင္ေရးမ်ားကို ဆက္လက္ ေဆာင္ရြက္သည့္ အေနျဖင့္ ရန္ုကုန္ ေရႊျပည္သာရွိ ၾကံ့ဖြံ႔႐ံုးကို မိမိတို႔၏ အမွတ္ (၁၈) တပ္ဖြဲ႔က တိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း” ျဖင့္ ျမန္မာဘာသာျဖင့္ ထုတ္ျပန္ထားေသာ ေၾကညာခ်က္ကို ေဒါက္တာလြဏ္းေဆြ ဘေလာ့ဂ္စာမ်က္ႏွာ http://drlunswe.blogspot.com/ တြင္ ေဖၚျပထားသည္။
စြမ္းအားျမႇင့္ ျမန္မာေက်ာင္းသား စစ္သည္ေတာ္မ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာ စစ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားအား ဆန္႔က်င္ တိုက္ပြဲဝင္လ်က္ရွိ ရာ ရန္ကုန္ၿမ့ဳိလယ္ ေအဘီစီ စားေသာက္ဆိုင္ေရွ႔တြင္ ရပ္ထားသည့္ (USDA) ကားကုိ ဧၿပီလ ၂ဝ ရက္ေန႔က ဗံုး ၂ လံုးခြဲ တိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့မႈသည္လည္း မိမိတို႔ လက္ခ်က္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းျဖင့္ အဆိုပါ ေၾကညာခ်က္က ဆက္လက္ ေဖၚျပထားသည္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ စီးပြါးေရး ၿမ့ဳိေတာ္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမ့ဳိတြင္ လႈပ္ရွားလ်က္ ရွိသည္ဟုဆိုေသာ စြမ္းအားျမႇင့္ ျမန္မာေက်ာင္းသား စစ္သည္ေတာ္မ်ားကို ဤ ေၾကညာခ်က္ႏွင့္ စပ္လ်ဥ္း၍ အတည္ျပဳႏိုင္ရန္ ဆက္သြယ္ရာ ဆက္သြယ္၍ မရခဲ့ပါ။
ေက်ာင္းသား စစ္သည္ေတာ္မ်ားအဖြဲ႔၏ အမွန္တကယ္ တည္ရွိမႈကို သက္ေသ မျပႏိုင္ေသာ္လည္း စစ္အစိုးရက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ဆက္လက္ အုပ္စိုးေနမႈအား သူတို႔သာလွ်င္ အမွန္တကယ္ ဆန္႔က်င္ တုိက္ခိုက္ေနၾကသူမ်ား ျဖစ္ၿပီး ဆက္လက္ တိုက္ခိုက္သြားရန္ သံႏၷိဌာန္ ခ်မွတ္ထား သည္ဟု အဆိုပါ ေၾကညာခ်က္တြင္ ဆက္လက္ ေဖၚျပထားသည္။
“စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ စစ္ေရး၊ စီးပြါးေရး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ဤသို႔ စစ္ဆင္ တိုက္ခိုက္ရာတြင္ အျပစ္မဲ့ေသာ အရပ္သားမ်ား ထိခိုက္နစ္နာမႈ မရွိေစရန္ ကတိျပဳသည္” ဟုလည္း အဆိုပါ ေၾကညာခ်က္တြင္ ေဖၚျပထားသည္။
၂ဝဝ၄ ခုႏွစ္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလက ရန္ကုန္ၿမ့ဳိ ပန္းဆိုးတန္းလမ္း ပင္ႏိုရားမား (Panorama) စားေသာက္ဆိုင္တြင္ လူေသဆံုးခဲ့ရသည့္ ဗံုးေပါက္ကြဲမႈ အပါအဝင္ အလားတူ ဗံုးေပါက္ကြဲမႈမ်ားသည္လည္း သူတို႔လက္ခ်က္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းျဖင့္ (VWSB) က ယခင္ကလည္း အလားတူ ေၾကညာခဲ့ဖူးသည္။
သို႔ေသာ္ စစ္အစိုးရကမူ ဤဗံုးေပါက္ကြဲမႈႏွင့္ စပ္လ်ဥ္း၍ မည္သူ႔ လက္ခ်က္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း တရားဝင္ ထုတ္ေဖၚစြပ္စြဲျခင္း ယခုထိ မရွိေသးပါ။ “အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ဤအျဖစ္အပ်က္ကို စံုစမ္းေနသည္” ဟုသာ စစ္အစိုးရထုတ္ ျမန္မာ့အလင္း သတင္းစာတြင္ ေဖၚျပထားသည္။
သုိ႔ေသာ္ “အမ်ားျပည္သူ သြားလာလ်က္ရွိေသာ ေနရာမ်ားတြင္ အသြင္အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးယူ၍ လႈပ္ရွားေနေသာ အဖ်က္အေမွာင့္ သမားမ်ားကို အထူး သတိထား ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ရန္ႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ရွိပါက သက္ဆိုင္ရာ တာဝန္ရွိသူမ်ားထံ အခ်ိန္မီ သတင္းေပးပို႔ တိုင္ၾကားၾကရန္” အဆိုပါ သတင္းစာက ျပည္သူလူထုကို တိုက္တြန္း ႏိႈးေဆာ္ထားပါသည္။
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